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AUTHOR: 


HIRST,  GERTRUDE 
MARY 


TITLE: 


THE  CULTS  OF  OLBIA 


PLACE: 


NEW  YORK 


DATE: 


1902 


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Hirst,  6[ertrudej  Mraryj 
The  cults  of  Olbia  ...    New  York,  1902. 

1  p.  l,  t2i  p.,  p.  i245i-267,  i24j-53,  i2j  p.    illus.    26i"». 

Thesis  (ph.  d.)— Columbia  university. 

Vita. 

Bibliography:  (2i  p. 

From  Journal  of  Hellenic  studies,  1902,  v.  22;  1903,  v.  23 


Another  copy.      1902. 


:    D835 
H61 


1.  Olbia,  ^feece — Religion. 
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THE  CULTS  OF  OLBIA 


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BY 


G.  M.  HIRST 


TUTOR  IN  CLASSICAL  PHILOLOGY,  BARNARD  COLLEGE 

COLUMBIA  UNIVERSITY 


k  > 


Submitted  in  partial  fulfilment  of  the  requirements  for  the  degree  of  Doctor 
of  Philosophy  in  the  Faculty  of  Philosophy,  Columbia  University 

NEW  YORK,   1902 


--? 


THE  CULTS  OF  OLBIA 


I 
1 


BY 


G.  M.  HIRST 


TUTOR  IN  CLASSICAL  PHILOLOGY,  BARNARD  COLLEGE 

COLUMBIA  UNIVERSITY 


1 


»i 


Submitted  in  partial  fulfilment  of  the  requirements  for  the  degree  of  Doctor 
of  Philosophy  in  the  Faculty  of  Philosophy,  Columbia  University 

NEW  YORK,   1902 


^ 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 


Becker,  Paul.  Ueber  die  im  siidlicheii  Russland  gefundenen  Henkelin- 
schriften  auf  griechischen  Thongefiissen.  /;/  Melanges 
Greco-Romains,  tome  i.     St.  Petersburg,  1855. 

Beloch,  Julius.     Griechische  Geschichte,  vol.  i.     Strassburg.  1893. 

Bergk,  Theodor.     Poetae  Lyrici  Graeci.     Leipsic.  1878-82. 

Bernhardy,  Gottfried.    Grundriss  der  griechischen  Litteratur.    Halle,    1877. 

Beschreibung   der   Antiken    Miinzen, 

Konigliche  Museen  zu  Berlin.     Berlin,  1888. 

Bottiger,  Karl  August.     Ideen  zur  Kunst-Mythologie.     Dresden,  1826-36. 

British  Museum.     Catalogue  of  Coins. 

Biichsenschiitz,  Albrecht  Bernliard.  Besitz  und  Ervverb  im  griechischen 
Alterthume.     Halle,  1869. 

Burachkov,  P.  O.  General  Catalogue  of  Coins  belonging  to  the  Hellenic 
Colonies  that  in  antiquity  existed  on  the  North  Shore  of 
the  Black  Sea  within  the  boundaries  of  what  is  now  South 
Russia.     Part  i.  (in  Russian).     Odessa,  1884. 

Busolt,  Georg.     Griechische  Geschichte.     Gotha,  1893-97. 

Cauer,  Paul.     Delectus  Inscriptionum  Graecarum.     Leipsic,  1883. 

Contoleon,  Al-Emm.  Inscription  de  Chersonese.  Revue  des  etudes 
grecques,  vol.  iv.  (1891). 

Corpus  Inscriptionum  Atticarum.      Berlin,  1873 — 

Corpus  Inscriptionum  Graecarum.      Berlin,  1828 — 

Daremberg-Saglio.  Dictionnaire  des  antiquites  grecques  et  romaines. 
Paris,  1877. 

Dittenberger,    Guilelmus.      Sylloge   Inscriptionum    Graecarum.      Leipsic 

1898.  ' 

Dumont,  Albert.       Melanges  d'archeologie  et  d'epigraphie.       Paris,   1892. 
Evans,  Arthur  J.     Mycen Lean  Tree  and   Pillar  Cult.     Journal  of  Hellenic 

Studies,  vol.  xxi.  (1901.) 
Farnell,  Lewis  Richard.     The  Cults  of  the  Greek  States.     Oxford,  1896. 
Frazer,  J.  S.     Pausanias's  Description  of  Greece.     London  and  New  York 

1898. 
Furtwangler,  A.     Delos.     Archaologi.sche  Zeitung.  vol.  xl.  (1882). 
Gardner.  Percy.     Types  of  Greek  Coins.     Cambridge,  1883. 

Countries  and  Cities  in  Ancient  Art.    Journal  of  Hellenic 

Studies,  vol.  ix.  (1888)  p.  51. 

Greek  River   Worship.      Transactions  of   Royal   Society 

of  Literature,  vol.  xi.,  2d  series. 

(and     Imhoof  -  Blumer )     Numismatic    Commentary     on 

Pausanias.       Journal  of  Hellenic  Studies,  vols,  vi,  vii,  viii 

(1885  7). 
Greenwell,  \V.     Votive  Armour  and  Arms.      Journal  of  Hellenic  Studies, 

vol.  ii  (1882). 
Harrison,  J    E.  (and  M.  de  G.  Verrall).      Mythology  and  Monuments  of 

Ancient  Athens.      London,  1890. 
Hasluck,  F   W.     An  Inscribed  Basis  from  Cyzicus.      Journal  of  Hellenic 

Studies,  vol.  xxii  (  1902). 
Head,  Barclay  V.     Historia  Numorum.     Oxford,  1887. 
Hicks,   E.   L.       Inscriptions  from   Western   Cilicia.      Journal  of  Hellenic 

Studies,  vol.  xii.  (1891). 
Hill.  G.  F.     Handbook  of  Greek  and  Roman  Coins.     London,  1899. 
Holm,  Adolph.      History  of  Greece.    London,  1894.    (English  Translation.) 
Homolle,  Th.    Sur  une  base  de  statue  de  Delos.    Bulletin  de  correspondence 

hellenique,  vol.  xii.     (1888.) 
Inscriptiones  Graecae  Insularum  Maris  Aegaei.     Berlin,  1895 — 


c« 


I* 


tl 


THE   CULTS   OF  OLBIA. 


Part  I. 


The  object  of  the  present  essay  is  to  bring  together  whatever  fragments 
of  evidence  we  possess  which  may  throw  light  upon  the  cults  of  Olbia  the 
colony  founded  by  the  Milesians  at  the  mouth  of  the  Borysthenes  about 
047  B.C.^  But  by  way  of  preface  it  may  be  worth  while  briefly  to  indicate 
the  claims  that  Olbia  has  to  be  the  subject  of  special  study.  All  the  Greek 
settlements  on  the  North  coast  of  the  Euxine  must  have  had  in  common  many 


Fig.  1.— Map  of  tiik  District  round  Olbia. 
(After  Latyschev.) 


traits  which  marked  them  off  from  Greek  colonies  elsewhere,  but  Olbia, 
while  in  many  respects  it  may  be  regarded  as  a  typical  city  of  the  locality 
was  also  undoubtedly  possessed  of  an  individuality  of  its  own.  Though  not 
actually  the  most  northerly  of  all  Greek  settlements,  which  distmction  belongs 


1  So  Eusebius  (Hieron.)-     Cp.    Busolt,    Gr. 
Gesch.  ii.2  j).  483,note  4.  Holm  (History  of  Greece, 
English   trans.,  i.  296),  says  :  '  The  dates  of 
the  fouudiug  of  the  eastern  colonies  [of  Miletus] 


require  fresh  investigation.'  The  date  above 
given  may  however  be  considerod  a.s  approxi- 
mately correct.     See  Strabo,  vii.  306. 


35t'347 


2i6 


G.   M.  HIRST 


to  Taiiais,  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  of  the  same  name,  yet  Olbia  so  far  out- 
stripped Tanais  in  importance  that  it  may  fairly  be  regarded  as  the  most 
northerly  point  where  Greek  civilization  attained  to  an  imposing  height. 
That  such  a  height  was  reached  at  Olbia  is  clear  from  the  narrative  of 
Herodotus,  as  well  as  from  the  other  sources  within  our  reach.  Greek 
civilization  under  a  northern  sky  must  have  meant  something  quite  different 
from  what  it  did  in  the  Southern  Mediterranean  :  can  we  at  this  distance  of 
time  find  out  in  what  this  difference  consisted,  and  obtain  an  idea  of  the  citizens 
of  Olbia  at  all  approaching  in  vividness  that  which  we  possess  of  the  inhabi- 
tants of  the  Greek  islands  or  of  Sicily?  Probably  this  is  an  ideal  which 
cannot  be  realised,  but  the  problem  is  interesting  enough  to  attract  attempts 
at  solution.  Beloch's  tlieory  -  that  true  Greek  colonisation  was  impossible  in 
a  district  where  the  olive  and  vine  either  did  not  exist  or  flourished  only  in 
sheltered  places,  and  that  nothing  but  bitter  want  or  desire  of  commercial 
gain  could  make  Greeks  go  so  far  from  their  southern  home,  is  surely  unten- 
able, at  least  in  the  extreme  form  in  which  he  states  it.  It  is  true  that 
Herodotus 3  mentions  the  extreme  rigour  of  the  winter,  but  he  also*  speaks 
with  enthusiasm  of  the  beauty  and  productiveness  of  the  Borysthenes,  and 
its  basin.  From  Herodotus,  of  course,  we  get  a  description  of  the  material 
value  of  the  soil,  rather  than  of  the  scenic  loveliness  of  the  river,  but  from  a 
modern  traveller  we  may  take  a  sentence  or  two  to  illustrate  the  beauty  as 
well  as  the  commercial  importance  of  the  Borysthenes  : — 

"  After  having  spread  out  to  the  breadth  of  nearly  a  league,  it  [the 
Dnieper,  i.e.,  the  Borysthenes]  parts  into  a  multitude  of  channels  that  wind 
through  forests  of  oaks,  alders,  poplars,  and  aspens,  whose  vigorous  growth 
bespeaks  the  richness  of  a  virgin  soil.  The  groups  of  islands,  capriciously 
breaking  the  surface  of  the  waters,  have  a  melancholy  beauty  and  a  primitive 
character  scarcely  to  be  seen  except  in  those  vast  wildernesses  where  man  has 
left  no  traces  of  his  presence."  ^ 

The  last  sentence  almost  of  necessity  calls  up  the  Thousand  Islands,  and 
in  natural  sequence,  Quebec  and  the  other  Canadian  settlements  even  further 
north,  where  so  many  Frenchmen  spent  their  lives,  and  became  the  founders 
of  colonial  families.  If  Frenchmen,  who  are  proverbially  unwilling  colonists, 
settled  in  Quebec,  surely  it  cannot  be  thought  impossible  that  Milesians  and 
other  Greeks  should  have  made  their  homes  in  Olbia,  which,  though  in 
almost  the  same  latitude  as  Quebec,  has  a  less  rigorous  climate,  (compare  the 
"  forests  of  oak  and  poplar  "  with  the  stunted  growth  of  trees  and  bushes  on 
the  lower  St.  Lawrence),  and  could  be  reached  by  a  coasting  voyage,  instead 
of  by  a  journey  across  the  open  Atlantic.  Must  not  allowance  be  made  for 
the  adventurous  element  in  the  character  of  the  Greek,  which  made  the 
unlikeness  of  the  new  lands  to  his  distant  home  only  an  additional  attrac- 
tion ?     Doubtless  the  typical  Athenian  would  not  have  stayed  contentedly  in 


3  Gr.  Gesch.  i.  194,  5. 
>  iv.  28. 
*  iv.  68. 


'  Travels  of  Madame  dt:  Hell,  p.   56,   quoted 
by  Rawlinson,  on  Herod,  iv.  53. 


THE  CULTS  OF  OLBIA. 


•247 


Olbia,  any  more  than  the  typical  Parisian  in  Quebec,  but  we  cannot  predicate 
Athenian  tastes  of  all  Greeks.     Beloch's  further  statement  of  the  backward- 
ness of  the  cities  on  the  north  coast  of  the  Euxine  in  art  and  literature  may 
also  be  found  to  require  modification.     Herodotus' "  description  of  the  palace 
of  Scyles  at  Olbia,  surrounded  by   sphinxes   and   griffins  in  white  marble, 
cerUinly  does  not  suggest  an  indifference  to  the  art  of  sculpture ;  and  the 
discovery   among  the  ruins  of  Olbia  of  a  base   which  may  possibly  have 
belonged  to  a  statue  by  Praxiteles '  points  in  the  .same  direction.     Reference 
may  also  be  made  to  Xenophon's  mention  of  the  books  carried  to  the  north 
coast  of  the  Euxine  in  Greek  ships ;  «  though,  perhaps,  if  the  artistic  status 
of  the  whole  district  is  called  in  question,  it  may  be  sufficient  to  refer  to  the 
discoveries  made  in  the  tombs  at  Kertsch,  on  the  site  of  the  ancient  Panti- 
capaeum ;  and  to  the  extraordinarily  beautiful  series  of  corns  issued   by 

*  *'  Tils  may  suffice  to  show  that  Olbia  was  a  Greek  city  with  characteristics 
distinct  enough  to  entitle  it  to  be  the  subject  of  investigation  in  rnany  lines 
of  research  ;  the  present  discussion  will  be  confined  to  its  cults,  to  the 
consideration  of  which  we  will  now  proceed.  ,       ,     „  i 

The  materials  at  hand  for  a  study  of  the  cults  of  Olbia  may  be  classed 
under  four  heads :-(!)  inscriptions,  (2)  coins,  (3)  works  of  art  etc.,  which  have 
been  dug  up  near  the  site  of  the  ancient  Olbia  or  in  the  district,  (4)  refer- 
ences in  literature.  All  these  materials,  however,  while  comparatively 
speaking  abundant  for  the  later  period  of  the  city's  liistory-the  period  after 
its  dest™ction  by  the  Getae,  circa  6.5-GO  B.C.,  and  its  subsequent  rebuilding 
-are  extremelv  scanty  for  the  earlier  times,  when  a  knowledge  of  the  cults 
would  be  of  .<.uch  value  in  the  study  of  Greek  religion  in  general,  and  ol  its 
aspect  in  the  various  colonies  in  particular. 

The  first  question  to  be  discussed  is  the  relation  if  any,  between  the 
religion  of  the  first  settlers  at  Olbia  and  that  of  their  Scythian  neighbours. 
Did  they  from  the  beginning  adapt  the  deities  and  legends  of  Sarmatia  to 
the  needs  of  Greek  civic  worship,  or  did  they  set  out  from  Miletus  under 
the  special  auspices  of  Apollo,  and  derive  their  religion  main  y  from  that  ot 
the  mother  city,  while,  with  the  eclecticism  inherent  in  Greek  rehgion,  they 
domesticated  in  their  own  town  the  gods  of  sUtes  with  which  they  had 
frequent  intercourse  ?  Any  attempt  at  the  solution  of  this  problem  must 
rely  upon  a  detailed  examination  of  the  separate  cults,  so  far  as  any  recoru 
of  them  has  come  down  to  us  ;  but  one  of  the  cults  is  so  important  to  this 
enquiry  that  a  determination  of  its  origin  must  be  attempted  even  at  this 

preliminary  stage.  , 

The  cult  of  Achilles  Pontarches  was  ancient  and  widespread  over  the 
whole  district  of  the  North  Euxine.     The  island_of  Leuke  was  the  special 


«  Herod,  iv.  79. 

7  Latyschev,  Inscr.  Antiq.  Orae  Septentr. 
Pont.  Eux.  i.  145.  Loewy,  Jjuichr.  Gr.  Bild- 
hauer,  76».  P.  383,  quotes  this  inscription  from 
Latyschev,  and  approves  the  identification. 
He  notes  that  Pliny  {N.H.  xxxvL  22),  mentions 


an  Eros  of  Praxiteles  at  Parion  in  the  Propontis. 
The  letters  of  this  inscription  are  of  the  fourth 
century  B.C.  Cp.  Lat.  iv.  82,  a  marble  basis 
from  Chersonesus,  inscribed  no\w»fp(£T7jj  ^irdrjire, 
with  Latyschev's  note. 

"  Xenophon,  Aiia^.  vii.  5,  14. 


248 


O.  M.  HIRST 


sanctuary  of  this  worship,  but  at  Olbia  also  Achilles  held  a  most  important 
place.  We  have  a  witness  to  the  existence  of  this  cult  on  the  Euxine  as  early 
as  the  end  of  the  seventh  or  the  beginning  of  the  sixth  century  B.C.  in 
Alcaeus  » :— 'Axi-'XXeu  o  7a?  ticvdUa^  /xe'SeK?.  His  worship  at  Leuke  was 
familiar  to  Pindar, — 

iv  8'  Evf etV^)  7r€\dy€L  <f>a€vvav  'A^tXev? 

vaaov  ie'XGi)}^ 

What    was   the  origin   of  this   early   localisation   of    Achilles    on   the 

Black  Sea  ? 

Koehler"  thinks  that  the  early  Milesian  settlers  found  the  cult  of 
Achilles  already  firmly  established  among  the  natives  of  the  land  where  they 
settled,  and  that  they  adopted  it  from  them.  It  is  difficult  to  see  what  can 
be  adduced  in  support  of  this  theory,  and  a  good  many  points  may  be  advanced 
in  opposition. 

In  the  first  place  Herodotus  12  says  that  the  only  gods  worshipped  by  the 
Scythians  are  Hestia  first  of  all,  then  Zeus  and  the  Earth,  then  Apollo  and 
Aphrodite  Ourania,  and  Herakles  and  Ares. 

Surely  Herodotus  would  not  have  omitted  to  mention  Achilles,  if  he  had 
been  a  prominent  object  of  worship,  especially  as  he  does  mention  Herakles. 
The  fact  that  he  does  not  speak  of  a  cult  of  Achilles  at  Olbia  is  not  of  course 
germane  to  the  argument  ;  he  makes  no  attempt  (unluckily  for  us)  to 
describe  the  Greek  colonies  on  the  Euxine,  which  he  could  assume  were 
familiar  to  his  public  ;  but  he  gives  a  very  full  description  of  Scythian 
manners  and  customs,  and  one  which  is  generally  accepted  as  being  correct 
in  essentials.  We  owe  the  charming  little  picture  he  has  given  us  of  Olbia  ^'^ 
to  its  connection  with  the  fate  of  the  Scythian  king  Scyles,  and  the  references 
to  its  cults,  though  very  valuable  as  far  as  they  go,  are  merely  incidental. 

In  the  second  place,  is  it  reasonable  to  credit  the  Scythians  and  other 
barbarian  tribes  on  the  North  shores  of  the  Euxine  with  an  intimate  acquaint- 
ance with  the  exploits  of  Achilles,  or  with  a  desire  to  erect  him  into  a  deity  ? 
Such   a  theory   seems   entirely   out  of  harmony  with  all  we   know  of  the 
character  and  religion  of  these  nations.     Even  if  we  suppose  the  Scythians  to 
have  deified  a  native   hero  of  their  own,  whom  the  Greeks  identified  with 
Achilles,  (a  theory  which  is  not  very  tenable,  for  the  history  of  Achilles  was 
peculiarly   distinctive),   we   should   not   have    advanced  far    in   support   of 
Koehler's  theory,  for  why  should  the  Greeks  have  forthwith  adopted  the  cult 
unless  Achilles  and  the  Black  Sea  had  been  already  closely  associated  in  their 
minds  ?     We  must  remember  that  we  have  not  here  to  deal  with  an  almost 
immediate   amalgamation  of  tlie  Greek  settlers  with   the  natives,  such  as 
took  place  in  Magna  Graecia ;  we  see  from  Herodotus'  account,  nearly  150 
years  after  the  founding  of  Olbia,  how  alien  the  customs  of  the  Scythians 


•  Bergk,  Lyricx  Qr.  48.  B,  quoted  by 
Eustath.  ad  Dionys.  Per.  306. 

"  Nem.  iv.  49. 

^^  Mtmoires  sur  Ics  iles  el  la  course  consacrics 
a  Achille  dans  le  Pont  Euxin.    St.  P^tersbonrg, 


1827.     {Mimoires  de  V Acad.  Iinjh  des  Sciences, 
Sdr.  V.  vol.  X.) 

12  iv.  59. 

"  iv.  78,  79. 


THE  CULTS  OF  OLBIA. 


249 


were  felt  to  be  by  the  Greeks.  Another  indication  of  race-feeling  is 
supplied  by  the  vase-paintings  found  on  the  north  Euxine.^*  Here  Scyths 
(if  we  are  to  call  them  by  this  name)  of  purely  Russian  type  occur,  tammg 
horses  or  in  company  with  the  griffins  with  which  Greek  fancy  peopled  the 
steppes  to  the  north.  The  conjunction  of  these  with  the  purely  Greek 
figures  in  the  mythological  scenes  on  these  vases  seems  to  mdicate  a  com- 
plete race-separation.  The  fact  that  Herodotus  mentions  that  Scyles  married 
a  Greek  wife  at  Olbia  tends  to  confirm  this  view ;  for  if  intermarriage  had 
been  very  common,  it  would  hardly  have  been  worth  while  to  refer  to  it. 

As   far  as  we  can  tell,  Arctinus,  the  Milesian  poet,  in  his  epic  the 
'  Aethiopis,'  was  the  earliest  Greek  author  to  place  the  home  of  Achilles 
after  death  on  the  island  of  Leuke.     Now  Arctinus   is  usually  assigned  to 
the  eighth  century  B.C.,  which  is  earlier  than  the  accepted  dates  for  the 
founding  of  the  Milesian  colonies  on  the  Black  Sea.     Accepting  for   the 
moment  both  these  dates,  we  may  none  the  less  conjecture  that  by  the  end 
of  the  eighth  century  B.C.  Milesian  adventurers  were  already  making  trial  of 
the  Euxine,  where  the  almost  complete  absence  of  islands  would  render  Leuke 
a  grateful  memory  to  the  Greek  sailor,  and  a  prominent  feature  in  his  sea- 
stories.     Here  was  material  ready  to  Arctinus'  hand,  just  as  the  '  still- vexed 
Bermoothes '  of  some  sailor's  yarn  furnished  a  stage-setting  for  Shakespeare 
more  than  2,400  years  later.     But  it  is  not  even  necessary  to  suppose  as 
much  as  this :  if  Milesians  were  already  beginning  to  make  voyages  eastward, 
a  Milesian  poet  would  be  very  likely  to  set  the  abode  of  Achilles  in  the 
dimly-known  Euxine.     The  Isles  of  the  Blest  and  Elysium  were  already 
interchangeable  terms ;  15  audit  was  not  unnatural  for  a  patriotic  poet,  to 
whom  it  may  have  been  already  clear  that  the  expansion  of  his  native  state 
was  to  take  place  eastward,  to  place  a  Blessed  Isle  in  the  eastern  sea,  and 
thus  put  the  colonisation  of  his  city  under  the  protection  of  a  tutelary  deity. 
The  name  KevK^  rather  suggests  the  fairy  tale ;  later  travellers  have  explained 
it  by  the  flocks  of  sea-birds  on  its  shores ;  but  this  scarcely  seems  enough  to 
warrant  the  name ;  whereas  if  the  island  Leuke  already  existed  in  story,  an 
identification  with  the  island  off  the  mouth  of  the  Ister  was  almost  inevitable, 
as  there  are  practically  no  others  in  the  Black  Sea. 

It  is  not,  however,  certain  that  the  date  of  Arctinus  is  as  early  as  the 
eighth  century  B.C.  If  his  date  can  be  set  later,  the  eastward  trend  of  his 
story  is  easy  of  explanation.  Holm  i«  assigns  the  founding  of  Sinope  to  the 
eicrhth  century,  apparently  following  the  statement  of  Eusebius  that  Trapezus, 
a  colony  of  Sinope,  was  founded  in  Olymp.  6,  I.  (756  B.C.).  This  date 
Beloch  17  considers  too  early ;  he  gives  630  B.C.  as  the  date  of  the  founding  of 
Sinope.  In  any  case  the  beginnings  of  Milesian  adventure  in  the  Euxme 
may  be  almost  certainly  assigned  to  the  lifetime  of  Arctinus.     Mr.   D.  B. 


1*  Stephani,  Comptc-Bcnd%i,{\iassim)\Antiq.du 
Bosp.  Cimm.,  PL  45,  46  (vaseof  Xenopliantos). 
16  Fauly-VVissowa,  Rcal-Encycl.  i.,  p.  240. 
w  Greek  Hist.  (Eugl.  transl.),  i.   chap.  xxi. 


p.  275. 

17  Gr.  Gesch.    i.  chap.    vi.   p.  193,  note   2  ; 
Bubolt,  Gr.  Gesch.  ii.-,  p.  482  ;  Strabo,  xii.  546. 


260 


a  M.  HIRST 


Monro  i«  regards  the  fact  that  a  Milesian  poet  is  the  first  to  make  Leuke  the 
abode  of  Achilles  as  significant  of  the  important  part  played  by  Miletus  in 
diffusing  Greek  religious  ideas  through  the  Black  Sea  region.  The  choice  of 
Leuke  serves  to  '  connect  the  "  Aethiopis "  with  the  time  when  the  Ionian 
trading  cities,  of  which  Miletus  was  the  chief,  had  begun  to  adopt  the  new 
religious  practices  that  grew  up,  after  the  Homeric  age,  in  honour  of  the 
national  heroes.'  Welcker  i»  takes  a  similar  view  and  quotes  Bernhardy 
(ii.  153)  :  *  The  apotheosis  of  the  hero  at  Leuke  betrays  the  Milesian  poet.' 

It  is  worth  while  to  notice  here   the  significance    of  the   companion 
assigned  to  Achilles  at  Leuke,  variously  named  as   Medea,  Iphigeneia,  and 
Helen.     The  last  -^  is  apparently  the  latest  in  date  of  the  tales,  and  has  no 
importance    here;    it    must   have   arisen    iu   an   age    that   had    begun    to 
criticise  the  Homeric  stories,  and  to  feel  that  the  noblest  of  heroes  and  the 
fairest  of  women  must  be   united  after  death,  even  though  they  had  been 
separated  in  life.    The  oldest  story  seems  to  be  that  in  which  Medea  becomes 
the  wife  of  Achilles,  according  to  the  scholiast  on  Apollonius  Rhodius,  Arg. 
iv.    814  OTL    Be    'A^iXXeu?    ek    to    'HXvcriov    -rrehlov    7rapay€v6/M€vo<i    eyvfie 
MvBetav  TrpwTO?  "I/Suato?  etpvfce-  fied'  op  ^ifiayviBr]^.     Ibycus  is  usually  placed 
about  560  B.C.     It  must  be  noted  that  Elysium  and  not  Leuke  is  here  made 
the   hero's  abode,  so   that   unless  we   may  suppose  that  Achilles'  part   of 
Elysium  was  already  localised  at  Leuke,  we  cannot  press  the  argument  too 
far;  but  it  is  tempting  to  conjecture  that  Achilles  and  Medea  were  placed 
side  by  side  as  the  two  semi-divine  personages  most  closely  connected  with 
the  Euxine.     Colonisation  in  the  Euxine  had  by  this  time  been  in  progress 
for  almost  a  hundre<l  years,  and  Achilles  was  already  its  tutelary  deity.     The 
country  of  Medea  ond  the  Golden  Fleece  was  supposed  to  lie  to  the  far  East, 
so,  as  the  Black  Sea  was  giadually  opened  up,  the  Argonautic  myths  inevitably 
attached  themselves  to  its  shores,  for  no  other  sea  lay  in  this  direction.^! 
The  story  of  the  voyage  of  the  Argo  was  already  familiar  to  the  author  of 

the  Odyssey — 

oiT}  Brj  KeivT)  ye  irapeifK^o  Trovroiropo^  i/^C? 

'Apyco  iraaL  /xeXovaa,  irap  AlrJTao  irkeovaap^ 

but  here  the  direction  is  westward,  if  east  and  west  can  be  said  to  exist  in 

fairy-land. 

It  is  more  difficult  to  assign  a  date  to  the  story  of  Achilles'  connection  at 
Leuke  with  Iphigeneia— the  most  satisfactory  bride  for  him  from  the 
modern  point  of  view.  The  tale  was  elaborated  by  Lycophrou,  but  so  late  an 
author  has  little  value  in  the  present  enquiry.  The  '  Kypria'  (776  B.C.  circa) 
seems  to  be  the  source  of  the  story  that  Artemis  carried  away  Iphigeneia  to 
the  Tauri,  leaving  a  hind  to  be  sacrificed  at  Aulis  in  her  steady  (Proclus, 
Trept  T&v  Kvirpliov,  p.  475,  ap.  Gaisford,  Hephaest.  "Aprefii^  Be  avrvv  e^ap- 
nrdaaaa  eU  Tavpov^  fieraKOfii^eL  kul  '>3dvaTov  iroiel-  i\a4>ovBe  avTlTi]<;^K6pv^ 
irapldTqaL  tw  ^a>fiw).     The  story  of  the  substitution  was,  however,  either 


«  Journal  of  Hdlenic  Studies  (1884),  vol.  5, 
p.  16. 
«  Der  Ep.  Cydut,  ii.  p.  221. 


■■»  Pausan.,  iii.  19,  11. 
'^  See  Holm,  i.  p.  117. 
«  Odysaey,  xu.  69,  70. 


THE  CULTS  OF  OLBIA. 


251 


unknown  to  or  ignored  by  Aeschylus,23  Sophocles,"  and  Pindar  ^ ;  perhaps 
it  was  considered  as  an  unauthorized  version  of  the  myth,  to  which  Euripides, 
perceiving  its  dramatic  value,  first  gave  wide  currency .^^  But  we  have  no 
proof  that  the  story  of  Iphigeneia's  marriage  to  Achilles  after  death  and 
their  abode  at  Leuke,  was  known  to  Euripides,  unless  the  words  of  Achilles 

to  Iphigeneia — 

' Ayaaeauovof;  irai,  fiaxapiov  fie  rt?  Oewv 

efieWe  Orja-eiv,  €l  Tu;^ot/it  a(ov  yafimv    — 

are  to  be  regarded  as  an  instance  of  dramatic  irony,  the  final  fulfilment  of  his 
wish  being  known  to  all  the  spectators.  This  interpretation  is  probably  far- 
fetched, but  the  connection  between  the  two  is  such  a  natural  one  that  it  is 
difficult  not  to  suppose  that  it  was  already  familiar  at  this  date.^^ 

The  cult  of  Achilles  at  Olbia  will  have  to  be  discussed  later,  with  such 
details  as  the  materials  at  hand  allow  ;  the  object  of  the  preceding  pages  is  to 
make  it  seem  probable  that  the  mythical  connection  of  Achilles  with  the 
Euxine  was  purely  Greek  in  its  origin,  and  may  even  be  traced  with  consider- 
able probability  to  Miletus,  and  to  the  earliest  period  of  Milesian  enterprise 
in  the  Black  Sea,  and  that  it  owed  nothing  to  the  barbarian  dwellers  along 

the  sea-shore. 

The  same  theory  as  to  the  independence  of  the  religion  of  Olbia  of  ideas 
borrowed  from  the  Scythians  seems  to  be  borne  out  by  Herodotus.2'>>  He  says 
that  the  Scythians  had  no  shrines  or  images  of  their  gods  except  of  Ares. 
Moreover,  as  the  'temple'  of  Ares  was  merely  of  brushwood  and  his 
♦  image '  (to  ayaXfia)  an  ancient  sword,  it  seems  scarcely  necessary  to  make 
even°this  exception.  It  is  hardly  conceivable  that  a  religion  of  this  stamp 
could  have  had  appreciable  influence  on  the  cults  of  pure  Greeks,  such  as  the 

early  settlers  at  Olbia. 

It  is  perhaps  already  clear  that  an  attempt  will  be  made  to  present 
Olbia  as  a  purely  Greek  city,  very  little  influenced  by  the  barbarous  inhabit- 
ants of  the  land,  and  deriving  such  foreign  elements  as  appear  in  its  worship 
rather  from  its  commerce  with  Asiatic  cities  than  from  its  neighbours  on  the 
European  mainland.     There  are  two  passages,  however,  which  must  be  taken 
into  account  here, -Herodotus'  reference   (iv.  17)  to  the  "EXXT^i/e?  tKvdaL, 
whom  he  places  in  the  district  just  inland  from  Olbia ;  and  the  mention  in 
the  Protogenes  decree  =*<^  of  the  MtfeWryi/e?,  who  to  the  number  of  1500  had 
deserted  to  the  enemy.     With  regard  to  the  former,  it  seems  best  to  suppose 
with  Stein  {ad  loc.)  that  they  were  Scythians  who  had  adopted  Greek  customs 
from  their  trade  with  the  Greek  commercial  city.     Note  that  Herodotus 
distinctly  places  them  otUside  the  town,  and  at  a  distance  from  it,  and  that  he 
makes  no  mention  of  any  mixed  element  within  the  city  itself.     Ditten- 


■-'  Agam.  1390. 
-*  Electra,  531,  2. 
»  Pyth.  xi.  22. 

-•  Assuming  that  the  latter  part  of  Jph. 
Aul.  is  from  Euripides'  hand. 


in 


'^  Iph.  in  Av.1.,  1405,  6. 

-8  See  Wilamowitz,   Hermes,   xviii.  (1883), 

250. 
2»  Herod,  iv.  59-62,  alluded  to  above. 
**  LatyscUev,  i.  16,  B. 


252 


G.  M.  HIRST 


berger  ^^  in  his  note  on  the  Mi^iWrjve^  of  the  Protogenes  decree,  considers 
that  both  in  this  place  and  in  Herodotus  a  mixed  race  is  meant.     Certainly 
the  Mi^eWrjpc^  must  be  regarded  as  such  (the  name  would  hardly  be  possible 
otherwise)  but  the  date  of  the  Protogenes  decree  is  probably  at  least  200 
years  later  than  Herodotus'  visit  to  Olbia,  and  the  city  was  already  rapidly 
declining.     But  even  in  the  decree  they  are  described  as  tou9  t^/x  irapdypeiav 
oUovvra^,  and  nothing  leads  us  to  suppose  that  they  were  found  inside  the 
city,  or  that  they  had  any  share  in  its  government.     The  names  found  m  the 
inscriptions  are  purely  Greek,  up  to  the  time  of  the  destruction  of  the  city  by 
the  Getae.     It  is  interesting  here  to  notice  that  Dio  Chrysostom,^^  after  de- 
scribing the  miserable  state  of  the  Greeks  after  the  destruction  of  their 
cities  by  the  Getae,  ascribes  the  rebuilding  of  Olbia  by  its  former  citizens  to 
the   invitation  of  the  Scythians,  who  felt  the  loss  of  a  market  for  their 
products.     After  the  taking  of  the  city,  merchants  no  longer  came  to  Olbia, 
are  ovk  exovre^  6tio<i>(iivov^  tou?  uTroSexo/ueVou?  ovhe  avroiv  SkvO^v  a^iovvTcop 
ovhe  iTTLarafievcDv   ifiiropLOv  avrwv   KaracKeviiaBat  top  'EX\r]viKOP  Tponov. 
Tliis  at  least  shows  that  the  Greek   language  and  Greek  customs  had  not 
diffused  themselves  over  the  surrounding  peoples,  and  indirectly  supports  the 
converse  proposition  that  the  Greeks  of  Olbia  were  little  influenced  by  then- 
Scythian  neighbours.     The  relation  between  the  Greeks  and  the  barbarians 
may  be  plausibly  conjectured  to  have  been  not  unlike  that  of  the  English  to 
the  natives  in  the  early  days  of  the  settlements  in  India,  before  they  had  any 
real   territorial  jurisdiction,  and  were  still  in  some  degree  subject  to  the 
neighbouring  native  prince.     The  Scythian  husbandmen,  ot  ovk  iirl  atrnai 
aireipovai  top  aiTOP  aW  iirl  irpnci'^  brought  their  grain  for  sale  to  Olbia, 
just  as  the  Hindoo  peasant  brought  his  rice  or  indigo  to  the  factories  of  the 
East   India   Company.     So  it  is  as  the   most  northerly  outpost  of  Greek 
civilization  and  religion  that  Olbia  will  be  considered  in  the  present  essay. 


Apollo. 

*  Ex  diis  insignis  Apollo  nrpoardrri^i' — Boeckh,  C.I.G.  ii.  p.  87. 

From  this  statement  of  Boeckh's,  which  seems  justified  by  the  evidence 
that  has  come  down  to  us,  Apollo  would  claim  the  first  place  in  a  consider- 
ation of  the  cults  of  Olbia.  It  is  true  that  the  series  of  dedicatory  inscriptions 
to  Apollo  Prostates,  given  by  Latyschev  (i.  60-74,  iv.  15,  16),  belongs  to  the 
later  period  of  the  city  (none  is  earlier  than  the  second  or  tlurd  centuries  A  J).), 
but  there  are  two  other  inscriptions  to  Apollo  of  a  much  earlier  period."^^  One 
(Lat.  i.  93)  is  assigned  to  the  fourth  century  B.C. ;  it  is  fragmentary 

KHIOIO/ 
^OAAnNII 


«  Sylloge,"^  226. 

^  Oral,  xxxvi. 

w  Heix)d.  iv.  17. 

**  Also  the  fragmentary  one  given  by  Lat.  i. 


19,  and  assigned  by  liim  to  the  second  century 
B.C.,  which  seems  to  contain  the  name  of 
Apollo. 


THE  CULTS  OF  OLBIA. 


253 


Latyschev  fills  it  out  as  ^>       m 

•      "A7r]6\\(OPL  'l[r]rpm  ?] 

There  seems  no  doubt  here  as  to  the  occurrence  of  the  name  Apollo  ; 
whether 'Iryrpo.  is  the  title  to  be  supplied  is  of  course  a  matter  for  con- 
jecture,  but  it  occurs  in  Panticapaean  inscriptions  of  the  fourth  century  B.C.. 
and  in  a  Phanagorian  one  of  the  third  century  B.C.3^  „    .    ^^     .    ,.     ^. 

The  other  early  Olbian  inscription  referring  to  Apollo  is  the  dedication 
to  Apollo  Delphinios  (Lat.  i.  106)  assigned  to  the  third  century  B^C 

The  evidence  of  coins  indicates  clearly  the  importance  of  the  cult  ot 
Apollo  at  Olbia;  from  the  fourth  century  B.C.  down  we  have  examples 
of  coins  bearing  his  head,  probably  more  in  number  than  those  of  any 
other  single  deity.  The  Berlin  collection,  for  example,  f^'^^^^'^'^^l 
146  Olbian  coins,  has  over  thirty  which  show  representations  of  Apollo  iiie 
origin  of  the  special  cult  of  Apollo  at  Olbia  may  be  traced  back  to  Miletus, 
where  Apollo  was  the  chief  deity,  and  the  natural  patron  of  the  numerous 
colonies  sent  out  ;  and  its  persistence  at  Olbia  may  have  been  due  to  Apollo  s 
connection  with  the  myth  of  the  Hyperboreans,  and  to  the  feeling  t^iat  he 
was  a  fitting  tutelary  deity  for  the  most  northerly  Greek  colony.  Both  oi 
these  points,  the  derivation  of  the  cult  from  Miletus,  and  the  relation  of 
Apollo  to  the  North,  will  be  discussed  below,  in  the  more  detailed  examin- 
ation of  the  worship  of  Apollo  at  Olbia  under  its  different  aspects 

The  want  of  early  evidence  for  the  cult  of  Apollo  Prostates  at  Olbia  makes 
the  testimony  of  some  Olbian  coins  of  the  first  century  A.D.  f  t^^/^S^^^^* 
value  When  in  these  Olbian  Imperial  coins  we  find  a  type  of  Apollo  which 
seems  clearly  that  of  an  archaic  statue,  we  are  justified  m  treating  it  as  at 
least  presumptive  evidence  of  the  existence  of  an  early  cult.  One  ot  these 
coins  is  described  in  the  Catalogue  of  the  Berlin  Museum,^  — 


Obverse. 
OABIOnO   .   .  .   .  Youthful     head, 
right,  probably  Apollo. 
M  5. 


Beverse. 
CATYA  ....  Naked  Apollo  stand- 
ing facing,  seemingly  with  modius  or 
walled-crown,  vase  in  right,  large  bow 
with  arrow  in  left. 


Fio.  2  — Bbonzb  Coin  of  Olbia  in  the  Berlin  Museum. 
See  Fig.  2,     A  similar  coin  from  the  Moscow  collection  is  given  by  B. 
Pick  37  the  reverse  of  which  is  described  as  follows :— 

— — "^      ^  ~  > 

35  T„.»-  ;;   A   1ft   If*   S48  of  Olbia. 

1888,  vol.  1,   No.  124  in  the  series  of  coins      schenArch.JnstU.,  xm.  (1898),  n.  x.  6i. 


254 


G.   M.  HIRST 


AAAOCCATY.     Naked  Apollo  with  calathus  standing  facing,  in  his  out- 
stretched right  a  round-shaped  object,  in  the  left  bow  and  arrow. 

The  first  point  of  extraordinary  interest  about  these  two  coins  is  the 
presence  of  the  calathus  ^  on  the  head  of  the  god,  making  it  clear  that  he  is 
here  depicted  in  his  character  as  civic  deity.  The  die-cutter  was  not  in  the 
least  likely  to  have  added  this  unusual  attribute,  unless  he  was  copying  from 
a  well-known  statue,  of  which  the  calathus  was  one  of  the  distinguishing 
marks,  without  which  the  type  on  the  coin  would  not  be  recognized  as  a  re- 
production of  the  statue.  The  presence  of  the  calathus  Pick  thinks  alone 
sufficient  to  indicate  the  gi-eat  antiquity  of  the  original ;  but,  more  than  this, 
he  regards  the  figure  on  the  coins  as  clearly  archaic,  and  thinks  it  resembles 
very  closely  the  archaic  statuette  of  Apollo  from  Naxos^^ ;  but  he  considers  it 
older  than  the  statuette  because  of  the  presence  of  the  calathus.  He  would 
assign  the  date  of  the  statue  to  the  beginning,  or  at  any  rate  the  middle,  of 
the  sixth  century  B.C.  i.e.  within  the  first  century  of  the  city's  existence ;  and 
in  any  case  regards  it  as  certainly  earlier  than  the  Didymaean  Apollo  of 
Canachus  in  the  mother-city  Miletus.  The  round  object  in  the  right  hand 
Pick  explains  as  perhaps  a  pomegranate  or  an  ointment-box, — the  same  attri- 
bute which  appears  in  the  Naxos  statuette ;  and  as  a  bow  appears  on  the 
coins  in  the  left  hand,  he  thinks  one  should  also  be  placed  in  the  left  hand 
of  the  statuette,  especially  as  the  inscription  upon  it  has  the  epithet 
eKr)^6Xo<i.  The  fact  that  earlier  Olbian  coins  show  merely  a  head  of  Apollo 
has  of  course  no  bearing  on  the  question  of  the  antiquity  of  the  statue 
depicted  on  these  Imperial  coins,  as  in  the  period  of  best  art  the  die-cutters 
never  merely  imitated  a  statue  in  their  coin-types.'**' 

It  should  be  said  that  Pick  only  suggests  the  possibility  of  identifying 
this  coin-type  with  Apollo  UpoaraTrj^;  but,  granting  his  premisses  as  to 
the  archaic  character  of  the  original  of  the  coin-type,  the  identification 
seems  almost  inevitable.  There  is  certainly  a  difficulty  in  accounting  for 
the  preservation  of  the  statue  in  the  destruction  of  Olbia  by  the  Getae; 
but  we  do  not  know  how  complete  this  destruction  was ;  moreover,  if  there 
were  really  a  cult-statue  of  Apollo  UpoaTaTr)^  it  would  certainly  have  been 
reproduced  by  numerous  statuettes.  These,  of  course,  might  easily  have 
escaped,  and  any  one  of  them  could  have  furnished  a  type  for  the  die-cutter, 
— ^the  calathus  being  almost  sufficient  of  itself  to  point  the  reference  to  the 
statue. 

The  series  of  dedicatory  inscriptions  to  Apollo  Prostates  given  by 
Latyschev,''^  is  assigned  by  him  to  the  second  and  third  centuries  A.D,  i.e. 
somewhat  later  than  the  date  assigned  by  Pick  to  the  coins  discussed  above. 
These  offerings  were  all  made  by  the  aTparrjyoL  ( =  praetors)  and  from  the 
number  of  inscriptions  that  remain  it  has  been  supposed  that  the  gifts  were 


"  Through  the  courtesy  of  Dr.  H.  Dressel  of 
the  Berlin  Museum,  I  have  obtained  casts  of 
coin  124  (as  well  as  of  others  referred  to  below). 
From  the  cast  it  appears  even  more  clearly  than 
from  the  illustration  given  by  Pick,  that  the 


head-dress  is  undoubtedly  the  calathus. 

39  See  Roscher's  Lexicon,  i. '  452. 

"  P.  Gardner,  Types  of  Greek  Coins,  p.  68, 
et  seq. 

•'  Lat.  i.  60-74,  iv.  15,  16. 


THE  CULTS  OF  OLBIA. 


256 


made  yearly.  The  last  lines  of  No.  50  may  be  quoted  to  illustrate  the  usual 
formula  with  which  they  conclude  : — 

dviOrjKav  <l>U\r]v  dpyvpdv  virep  t^?  TroXew?  evaradia^  kol  Trj<;  eavrwv 
vyeia^. 

Other  articles  presented  are  a  golden  necklace,  a  silver  Nike,  a  golden 
Nike  on  a  silver  base,  &c.  In  No.  58  instead  of  the  usual  gifts,  the  praetors 
repaired  the  roof  and  wall  of  the  temple  of  Apollo  : 

eTretTKevaaav  rov  'AttoWwi/o?  2^[a]oO  rrjv  re  6po(j)r]v  [/cjal  [K]vK\(oOev  ra 
ev\.€i\Tr\ovTa  {K]aivL<Tavre^  virep  t/'}9  TroXeo?  [/c]at  tt)?  kavTwv  vyeL[a\<;. 

Below  this  last  inscription  is  an  epigram  addressing  Apollo  as  ro^ora  ^oi^e, 
apparently  commemorating  some  victory.  No.  Gl  similarly  refers  to  the 
repairing  of  the  temple  : — 

dveOrjKav  l^eUr)v  XP^{a-)€ov  virep  t^9  TToXeo?  Kal  Ti][<i]  eavrwv  vyela[s;\ 
'EttI  Tot?   avToh  i7r€(7K€vda[6rj(Tav]  at  croal  rov  vaoi)  e[/c]   to[v   Brj]fMO(Tlov 

These  inscriptions  make  it  impossible  to  doubt  that  Apollo  ITpoo-TaTjy?  was 
the  city-deity  of  Olbia  in  the  later  period ;  and  from  the  permanence  of 
Greek  state-cults,  as  well  as  from  the  evidence  of  the  coins  given  above,  it 
seems  reasonable  to  believe  that  the  earliest  colonists  brought  with  them 
from  Miletus  this  cult,  of  special  appropriateness  for  those  who  were  going 
to  found  a  city  in  a  new  land.  For  the  title  I[poaTdTr)<i  is  of  kindred 
meaning  to  that  of  'Kyvtev'i,  given  to  Apollo  as  the  protector  of  those  who 
went  in  and  out  of  the  house.  In  this  aspect  Apollo  was  represented  by  a 
conical  block  of  stone  standing  before  the  door.*^  (On  a  coin  given  in 
figure  3,^*  referred  to  below,  Apollo  appears  with  his  left  elbow  resting 
upon  a  pillar).  Is  it  too  much  to  conjecture  that  the  early  colonists 
of  Olbia  brought  with  them  a  small  column  of  this  kind  as  their  representa- 
tion of  Apollo,  which  served  as  the  cult  image  until  the  production  of  the 
statue  postulated  by  Pick  as  the  original  of  the  standing  figure  in  the  coin- 
type  ?  *■'  Hesychius,  under  irpoaraTijpio';,  explains  the  word  by  the  custom 
of  placing  a  statue  (or  pillar)  of  Apollo  before  the  house  door,  ore  trpo  tmv 
Ovpwv  'iBpvjai.     Whether  this  derivation  will  stand  or  not,  there  can  be  no 


*-  It  may  be  noted  here  that  it  is  from  the 
last  two  words  of  this  inscription  that  the  title, 
otherwise  unknown,  of  Apollo  Ithyporos  has 
been  evolved.  Boeckh  C.I.G.  2072,  reads 
the  last  eight   letters    of   the    inscription    as 

lOYTTOPOY.  Latyschev,  in  his  comments 
on  this  inscription,  points  out  that  the  dedica- 
tion is  to  Apollo  IIpoffTciTTjs,  and  adds,  '  Jam 
igitur  valere  jubeamus  necesse  est  ApoUinem 
ilium  Ithyporum,  qui  Koehlero  duce  in  omnes 
libros  et  commentationes  de  Olbia  scriptas 
irrepsit. ' 
«  for  references  to  stones  or  representations 


of  deities,  see  Frazer's  note  on  Pans.  x.  16,  3  ; 
and  for  Apollo  in  particular,  Aristoph.  Wasps. 
875.  These  representations  not  infrequently 
occur  on  coins,  e.g.  coin  of  Ambrakia  :  Head, 
Hist.  Kuw.,  p.  270,  fig.  181  ;  and  coin  of 
Megara,  Imhoof-Blumer  and  Gardner,  Num. 
Comm.  on  Paus.,  J.H.S.,  vi.  (1885)  p.  55.  Also 
Evans,  Myc.  Tree  and  Pillar  Cult,  J.E.S.  xxi. 
(1901)  i.  p.  173,  fig.  49. 

*^  No.  135  in  Berlin  Catalogue. 

•*5  See  Prof.  P.  Gardner,  Countries  and  Cities 
in  Anc.  Art,  J.E.S.  ix.  (1888)  p.  61. 


256 


G.  M.  HIRST 


doubt  that  the  titles  of  'Ayvi€v<i  and  Ilpoo-TaTr;?  present  the  god  under 
substantially  the  same  aspect.  Compare  the  Delphic  oracle  quoted  by 
Demosthenes*^  Trcpl  vyeta^i  dveiv  xal  evx^aOai,  Au  vardr^,  'UpaKXei, 
"AiroWcDVL  irpoaTaTrjpioi'  -irepl  ru^a?  dya6d<;  '  A.7r6\Xft)i/t  dyviei,  AaTol, 
'AprifjLiBi,  Kal  kut  dyvid<i  Kpar?^pa^  iardfjiev,''  and  again  in  the  oracle  from 
Dmlona  quoted  in  the  same  passage  occur  the  words  'AttoWcovl  dTTorpoiraitp 
^ovv  Bvaai.  It  is  worth  while  to  notice  the  correspondence  between  -irepl 
vy€ia<;  in  the  oracle  and  virep  t^?  eavTwi/  vy€ia<i  in  the  dedicatory  inscriptions 
of  the  praetors  to  Apollo  Prostates,  quoted  above. 

The  actual  title  of  Prostates  occure  in  Soph.  Track.  209  :— 


€V 


Be 


KOlVO^i  ap<T€PCOP  LTCO 

k\ayyd  top  €V(f>ap€Tpap 
'AttoXXo)  irpoardTap. 

In  the  Elcdra,  1.  637  Clytemnestra  invokes  Apollo  as  ^ol^e  UpoaraTijpie,  a 
name  given  also  to  Artemis  in  Aesch.  Septem,  449  TrpoaTarr^pia^  \\pT€fMiBo<; 
evpoiatai.  Pans.  i.  44,  2  mentions  a  temple  of  Apollo  under  this  title  at 
Megara  (cp.  the  name  Upoardaia  applied  to  Demeter,  Pans.  ii.  11.  3).  At 
Athens  offerings  were  made  to  Apollo  Upo(iTari)pLo^  and  Artemis  ^ovXaia 
before  the  meeting  of  the  ecclesia.'*^  Notice  also  the  reference  to  Artemis  in 
an  inscription  from  Chersonesus,*^  d  Bid  Trai/ro?  XepaovaaLTUP  Trpoararovcra 
Uapd€vo<i.  Preller-Robert  ^  may  be  quoted  here  :  '  nicht  selten  ist  Apollon 
Agyieus  aber  auch  ein  Symbol  der  stiidtischen  Ansiedlung.'  Such  we  may 
conjecture  Apollo  Prostates  to  have  been  at  Olbia ;  and  we  may  accept  the 
crude  representation  of  the  god  wearing  the  calathus  upon  the  Imperial  coin 
as  the  only  representation  of  him  as  the  tutelary  deity  of  Olbia  that  has 
come  down  to  us.  The  fragmentary  early  inscription  which  may  be  to  Apollo 
'Ir;T/309  has  been  already  quoted.  It  cannot  be  pressed  as  evidence  that  this 
cult  actually  existed  at  Olbia,  but  it  is  likely  enough  that  it  did,  for  we  have 
inscriptions  from  Panticapaeum  and  Phanagoria  (referred  to  above),  where 
Apollo  is  given  this  title."  The  name  Apollo  'larpo?  occurs  on  two  coins, 
one  described  by  von  Sallet  ^'-  and  another  by  Lambros,^  given  by  Pick.^'' 
These  have  been  assigned  to  Asia  Minor,  but  Pick  thinks  they  belong  to 
ApoUonia  on  the  Black  Sea,  together  with  some  other  coins  which  he  gives,^^ 
and  this  attribution  is  now  accepted  by  all  numismatists.  Von  Sallet's  coin 
has  a  laureate  head  of  Apollo  as  obverse  type.  The  reverse  is  thus  de- 
scribed : — 


«  Meui.  531, 

*^  An  Attic  monument  quoted  by  Welcker 
{Gr,  Gmterhhrt^  vol.  i.  p.  496),  links  theae 
titles,  (?./.(?.,  465. 

«  CJ.A  ii.  890,  892,  408,  417,  431,  432, 
468. 

•  Ut  i  185. 


»  Gt.  Myth.  V  p.  276,  »q. 
M  See    Wernicke's  article,    Pauly-Wissowa, 
Real-Eneycl.  i.  p.  54. 

*-'  Zeitsehr.f.  Num.  5.  108. 
*»  Bull.  Corr.  Hell.  2,  50b,  2. 
»*  Jahrbuch,  he.  Hi.  PI.  x.  29,  30. 
»  iQC  ciL  PI.  X.  26-28. 


THE  CULTS  OF  OLBIA. 


257 


'  Naked  Apollo  standing  facing  and  looking  left,  right  leaning  on  a  long 
branch,  in  lowered  left  a  bow  and  arrow.' 

The  coin  given  by  Lambros  is  similar,  but  with  full  inscription. 
Pick  says  that  the  material  of  these  two  coins  is  like  that  of  the  coins 
of  Mesembria.  near  Apollonin.  The  other  three  coins  with  which  he 
compares  these  two,  and  which  he  thinks  certainly  belong  to  Apollonia,  all 
have  an  anchor  as  the  obverse  type,  and  a  standing  figure  of  Apollo  as 

the  reverse  ^ 

One  of  these  may  be  quoted,  whicl.  Pick  dates  in  the  first  half  of  the 

second  century  B.C.     On  the  obverse  is  an  anchor.     The  reverse  is  described 

as  follows : 

Naked  Apollo,  standing  facing,  a  bough  in  his  outstretched  right,  in 

his  lowered  left  a  bow  and  two  arrows,  right  perhaps  leaning  on  pillar. 

Now  we  know  that  when  LucuUus  sacked  Apollonia  in  72  B.C.  he  took 
away  a  colossal  statue  of  Apollo,  the  work  of  Calamis,  and  placed  ,tat  Rome.-. 
No  coins  of  Apollonia  with  this  Apollo-type  are  certainly  known,  though  on 
Imperial  coins  a  temple  often  appears,  with  a  standing  nakecl  Apollo  as  ci.  t- 
statue  inside.     As  the  three  anchor  coins  belong  to  the  hrst  half  of    he 
second  century  B.C.  and  as  the  archaic  Apollo-type  could  not  belong    o  that 
period,  Pick  thinks  that  the  figure  represented  may  very  likely  be  that  ot 
the  colossal  statue  by  Calamis.     The  e.xistence  of  a  cult  of  Apollo   I^xpo,  at 
Apollonia  has  been  recently  proved  by  an  inscription  of  the  early  Roman  period,- 
Jtaa,  TV.  ^oX,.  ^era  rt,.  eV™<r..  'A^6XX.v.  'Ivrpi^l     The  laurel  bough 
is  regarded  as  the  attribute  of  Apollo  under  this  aspect ;  this  cannot  certainly 
be  proved;  however,  it  occurs  in  all  five  of  the  coins  mentioned  above  ;  and 
at  Panticapaeum,  though  no  full  length  figure  of  the  god  occurs  on  coins,  a 
relief  has  been  found  in  which  Apollo  has  a  long  laurel  branch.^'     This  rehet 
is  assigned  by  Reinach  to  the  period  of  Calamis ;  it  is  of  importance  here 
because  the  name  'I^rpo.  occurs  oftener  at  Panticapaeum  than  anywhere  else- 
To   return   to  Olbia:  No.  135  in    the  Berlin  catalogue   has  the  following 
obverse  type  : — 

standing  Apollo  facing,  looking  left,  in  right  hand  bough  (?),  left  resting 
on  pillar. 

The  reverse  type  is  a  lyre.  The  coin  was  referred  to  above  (p.  255)  and 
is  shown  in  Fig.  3.  This,  or  a  very  similar  coin,  is  given  by  Pick  That  the 
object  in  the  right  hand  is  a  bough  seems  pretty  certain,  from  the  way  it  is 
held ;  the  pillar  would  seem  to  be  the  attribute  of  Apollo  Prostates,  or 
Agyieus;   such  a  blending  of  attributes  is  not  uncommon. 


««Strabo,  7,  6,  1;    Pliny,   N.ff.    34,    39; 
Appian,  lllyr.  30. 
^7  Dumont,  iM.  d"  Arch.  p.  459,  n.  Ill,  d  7. 
*  M<muments     et    M&moires,    Fond.    Piot. 

H.S. — VOL.  XXU. 


tome  2,  57-79,  PI.  vii. 

59  Die  Anlikcn  Mumen  Nord-Gricchcniands, 

i.  1,  PL  xi.  20. 


256 


G.  M.  HIRST 


doubt  that  the  titles  of  'Ayviev^  and  Upoa-TaTr}^  present  the  god  under 
substantially  the  same  aspect.  Compare  the  Delphic  oracle  quoted  by 
Demosthenes  4«  -jrepl  vyeia^  dveip  xal  €vxe<T0aL  Au  vaTcir^,  'HpaKXei, 
'A-rroWayvi  wpoararr^plw'  -rrepl  Tvxa<i  dyada^  ' AttoWcovl  dyviel,  Aarol, 
'ApTefiiBi,  Koi  KUT  dyvid^  KpaTfjpa<;  lardfjLev*'  and  again  in  tlie  oracle  from 
Dodona  quoted  in  the  same  passage  occur  the  words  'ATroXXtovL  d-noTpoTraUp 
^ovv  Ovaai.  It  is  worth  while  to  notice  the  correspondence  between  irepl 
vyeia^i  in  the  oracle  and  virep  ttj^  eavrwv  vyem?  in  the  dedicatory  inscriptions 
of  the  praetors  to  Apollo  Prostates,  quoted  above. 

The  actual  title  of  Prostates  occurs  in  Soph.  Tmch.  209  :— 

iv  he 
KOLvo<i  dpaevcov  irto 
KXayya  top  €v<f)aperpav 
'AiroXXay  TrpocrTdrav. 

In  the  Eledra,  1.  637  Clytemnestra  invokes  Apollo  as  ^04/9e  UpaaraT^jpie,  a 
name  given  also  to  Artemis  in  Aesch.  Septem,  449  7rpoaTaTr]pia<;  'ApTefiiBo^ 
evvoiaiai.     Pans.  i.  44,  2  mentions  a  temple   of  Apollo  under  this  title  at 
Megara  (cp.  the  name  Upoardcna  applied  to  Demeter,  Paus.  ii.  11.  3).     At 
Athens  offerings  were  made  to  Apollo  UpoaTaTijpio^  and  Artemis  /3ovXaia 
before  the  meeting  of  the  ecclesia.^s     Notice  also  the  reference  to  Artemis  in 
an  inscription  from  Chersonesus,^^  d  Bid  iravTo^  Xepaovaairdv  -rrpoararovaa 
UapOho^.     Preller-Robert 50  may  be  quoted  here:  '  nicht  selten  ist  Apollon 
Agyieus  aber  auch  ein  Symbol  der  stiidtischen  Ansiedlung.'     Such  we  may 
conjecture  Apollo  Prostates  to  have  been  at  Olbia ;  and   we  may  accept  the 
crude  representation  of  the  god  wearing  the  calathus  upon  the  Imperial  coin 
as  the  only  representation  of  him  as  the  tutelary  deity  of  Olbia  that  has 
come  down  to  us.     The  fragmentary  early  inscription  which  may  be  to  Apollo 
'l7)Tp6<i  has  been  already  quoted.     It  cannot  be  pressed  as  evidence  that  this 
cult  actually  existed  at  Olbia,  but  it  is  likely  enough  that  it  did,  for  we  have 
inscriptions  from  Panticapaeum  and  Phanagoria   (referred  to  above),  where 
Apollo  is  given  this  title.^i     The  name  Apollo  'lar/ao?  occurs  on  two  coins, 
one  described  by  von  Sallet^'-  and  another  by  Lambros,^^  given  by  Pick.'''* 
These  have  been  assigned  to  Asia  Minor,  but  Pick  thinks  they  belong  to 
Apoliouia  on  the  Black  Sea,  together  with  some  other  coins  which  he  gives,-'^'^ 
and  this  attribution  is  now  accepted  by  all  numismatists.     Von  Sallet°s  coin 
has  a  laureate  head  of  Apollo  as  obverse  type.     The  reverse  is  thus  de- 
scribed : — 


«  Meid.  531. 

*''  An  Attic  monument  quoted  by  Welcker 
{Gr.  Odftcrlehre,  vol.  i.  p.  496),  links  these 
titles,  C.J.G.,  465. 

«  C.I.A  ii.  390,  392,  408,  417,  431,  432, 
459. 

*»  Lat.  i.  185. 


^  Or.  Myth.  U  p.  276,  sq. 

"  See    Wernicke's  article,     Pauly-Wissowa, 
Real-Encycl.  i.  p.  54. 

^'-  ZeiUsehr.f,  Nuvi.  5,  108. 

"'S  Bull.  Corr.  Hell.  2,  508,  2. 

'*  Jahrbuch,  loe.  cit.  PI.  x.  29,  30. 

^^  loe.  cit.  PI.  .X.  26-28. 


THE  CULTS  OF  OLBIA. 


257 


*  Naked  Apollo  standing  facing  and  looking  left,  right  leaning  on  a  long 
branch,  in  lowered  left  a  bow  and  arrow.' 

The  coin  given  by  Lambros  is  similar,  but  with  full  inscription. 
Pick  says  that  the  material  of  these  two  coins  is  like  that  of  the  coins 
of  Mesembria,  near  Apollonia.  The  other  three  coins  with  which  he 
compares  these  two,  and  which  he  thinks  certainly  belong  to  Apollonia,  all 
have  an  anchor  as  the  obverse  type,  and  a  standing  figure  of  Apollo  an 
the  reverse. 

One  of  these  may  be  quoted,  whicli  Pick  dates  in  the  first  half  of  the 
second  century  B.C.  On  the  obverse  is  an  anchor.  The  reverse  is  descrilxd 
as  follows : 

Naked  Apollo,  standing  facing,  a  bough  in  his  outstretched  right,  in 
his  lowered  left  a  bow  and  two  arrows,  right  perhaps  leaning  on  pillar. 

Now  we  know  that  when  Lucullus  sacked  Apollonia  in  72  n.c.  lio  took 
away  a  colossal  statue  of  Apollo,  the  w^ork  of  Calamis,  and  placed  it  at  Ronn'.'"" 
No  coins  of  Apollonia  witli  this  Apollo-type  are  certaiidy  known,  thougli  on 
Imperial  coins  a  temple  often  appears,  with  a  standing  naked  Ap^.ll.)  as  cult- 
statue  inside.  As  the  three  anchor  coins  belong  to  the  first  half  of  \\n- 
second  century  B.C.  and  as  the  archaic  Apollo-type  could  not  belong  to  tdat 
period,  Pick  thinks  that  the  figure  represented  may  very  likely  bi»  that  »»f 
the  colossal  statue  by  Calamis.  The  e.xistence  of  a  cult  of  Ap<»llo  '\tjTp6<!  at 
Apollonia  has  been  recently  proved  by  an  inscription  of  the  early  Roman  jH?ri«Ml,'' 
KTL(Ta<;  rr)v  ttoXiv  fierd  ttjv  €KT(ocriv  ' AiroXXoyvi  'I»;t/j[o5].  The  lann-l  lK>nj;h 
is  regarded  as  the  attribute  of  Apollo  under  this  aspect ;  this  cannot  certainly 
be  proved;  however,  it  occurs  in  all  five  of  the  coins  mentioned  ab<»vo  ;  and 
at  Panticapaeum,  though  no  full  length  figure  of  the  god  occurs  on  coin.s,  a 
relief  has  been  found  in  which  Apollo  has  a  long  laurel  branch."'"*  This  relief 
is  assigned  by  Reinach  to  the  jieriod  of  Calamis ;  it  is  of  imp«»rtance  hete 
because  the  name  'lr}Tp6<;  occurs  oftener  at  Panticapaeum  than  anywIuTo  •Isi' 
To  return  to  Olbia:  No.  135  in  the  Berlin  catalogue  has  th.-  followini: 
obverse  type : — 

Standing  Apollo  facing,  looking  left,  in  right  hand  bough  (?),  left  restini: 
on  pillar. 

The  reverse  type  is  a  lyre.  The  coin  was  referred  to  above  (p.  2.5.'»).  nnil 
is  shown  in  Fig.  3.  This,  or  a  very  similar  coin,  is  given  by  Pick.-"'  That  th»- 
object  in  the  right  hand  is  a  bough  .seems  pretty  certain,  from  the  way  it  in 
held;  the  pillar  would  .seem  to  be  the  attribute  of  Apollo  Prostates,  or 
Agyieus ;   such  a  blending  of  attributes  is  not  uncommon. 


««  Straho,  7,   6,   1;    Pliny,    N.ff.    34,    39; 
Appian,  Illrjr.  30. 

^^  Dumont,  3m.  d'  Arch.  p.  4.''.9,  n.  Ill,  <1  7. 
"»  Monuments     et    MSmoircs,    Fond.     Piot. 
H.S. — VOL.  XXII. 


tome  2,  57-79,  PI.  vii. 

"  Die  AnUlrn  Munzen  Norfl-OrieehrHJnnds. 
i.  1.  PI.  xi.  20. 


258 


G.  M.  HTRST 


Certainly  it  is  impossible  to  state  positively  that  a  cult  of  Apollo  'Jr}Tp6<i 
existed  at  Olbia,  from   the   dubious  evidence  of  a  coin   and  a  fragmentary 


Fio.  3.— Bronze  Coin  of  Olrta  ix  the  Berlin  MrsEUM. 


inscription,  but  doubtful  as  they  are,  one  may  fairly  make  the  most  of  them, 
consiilering  the  prevalence  of  the  cult  on  the  north  shores  of  the  Black  Sea. 

The   name   of  Apollo   Delphinios   occurs   in   an    inscription    given  by 
Latyschev  I,  106,  and  assigned  by  him  to  the  third  century,  B.C.  : 

WypoTUf;  KoX  Iloo-t'Seo?  ol  aheXcfyol  rofi  irarepa  Aiovvaiov  ['AttJoWwi/^ 
^eX^LviwL  leprjad/ieyov. 

This  is  all   the  definite  evidence  that  exists  as  to  the  cult  of  Apollo 
Delphinios  at  Olbia.     A  fish-type  (the  identification  of  which  is  discussed 
below  under  Demeter),  occurs  very  commonly  on  Olbian  coins  as  a  reverse 
type,  but  frequently  with  deities  other  than  Apollo  on  the  obverse ;  and  as  it 
has  usually  an   eagle  standing  upon  it  and  pecking  at  it,  it  seems  scarcely 
possible  to  take   it  as  a  symbol  of  Apollo  Delphinios.     However,  it  appears 
by  itself  on  some  coins,«''  also  in  coin   No.  73  of  the  Berlin  collection,  with 
Apollo  as  the  obverse  type,  and  it  may  possibly  have  been  the  attribute  of 
the  god  under  this  aspect,  though  a  commercial  explanation   seems   more 
probable.     The  cult  was  widespread.     Strabo  (iv.  179)  in  speaking  of  the 
cult  of  Apollo  Delphinios  at  Massilia,  says  :  tovto  fiev  kolvov  'la>v(ov  Inrdvrwv, 
and  Plutarch  de  sollertia  anim.  984  A,  says  :  fcal  ^ijv  'ApT€fiiB6<i  ye  AiKTvvm]'<; 
AeX(f)imov  re  'AttoWwi/o?    Upa  /cal  ^afiol  napa   -rroXXol^    'EXXijvcov  elaiv. 
The  name  appears  in  several  inscriptions;  two  may  be  mentioned  here,  both 
belonging  to  the  third  century  B.C.  like  the  Olbian  one,  and  both  from  Knossos 
in  Crete,  C.I.G.,  2554,  and  Cauer,  Del.  121.     A  month  Delphinio.s,  probably 
corresponding   to  the  Attic  Anthesterion,  is  known  at  Ae^jina.  Crete    and 
Thera.«i 

As  Delphinios.  Apollo  was  the  god  who  gave  f\iir  weather  to  the  mariner, 
and  was  therefore  likely  to  be  a  special  object  of  worship  at  Olbia,  whose' 
wealth  and  prosperity  depended  on  maritime  trade.  The  title  may  be  com- 
pared with  that  of  'ETri^aTtjpiof:,  under  which  name  .Apollo  had  a  temple  at 
Troezen62  and  'E/A/9aV(09,  to  whom  the  Argonauts  set  up  an  altar,  accordino- 
to  Apoll.  Rhod.  i.  402. 

For  the  existence  at  Olbia  of  representations  of  the  griffin,  a  creature 
specially  attached  to  the  cult  of  Apollo,  we  have  evidence  much  earlier  than 


«>  Pick,  loc.  cit.,  PI.  ix.  17,  18. 
'^  SdioHaston  Pindar,  AVm.  v.  81. 


6'-' 


-  Paus.,  ii.  32,  2. 


THE  CULTS  OF  OLBIA.  059 

any  of  the  coins  or  inscriptions  cited  above,  namely,  from  Herodotus  himself 
who,  in  describmg  the  palace  of  Scyles  at  Olbia  (iv.  79)  says :  t^v  nipc^ 
XevKov  XWov  (70/7769  re  kul  ypvire^i  earaa-av.  Griffins  occur  constantly  in 
vase-pamtings  found  in  the  North  Euxine  district ;  the  most  famous  of  these 
IS  the  well-known  vase  of  Xenophantos  already  referred  to,  where  the  bodies 
of  the  griffins  are  blue  and  the  horns  and  part  of  the  wincrs  gilded  This 
was  found  near  Panticapaeum  in  1836.«3  The  griffins  on  the  coins  of 
Panticapaeum  are  of  course  familiar.  Mr.  A.  J.  Evans  «^  traces  back  the  con- 
nection  of  griffins  and  the  sun-god  to  the  Egyptian  solar  cycle.  He  gives 
Mycenaean  gems  and  cylinders  upon  which  a  pair  of  griffins  appear  as  heraldic 
supporters  of  the  sacred  column-the  divine  pyramidal  stone  which  as  we 
have  seen,  persists  as  an  emblem  of  Apollo  in  his  character  of  Acryieus  down 
to  a  late  date. 

He^iod  was  the  first  to  treat  of  griffins,  according  to  the  scholiast  on 
Aesch.  Prom.  803  (ol  ypvTre,)  ^epl  &v  'Waloho,  npoyro,  ereparevaaro,  but  we 
do  not  know  in  what  poem.     As  he  also  wrote  about  the  Hyperboreans,  it  is 
possible  that  even  as  early  as  this  griffins  were  supposed  to  live  in  the  north 
We  know  more  of  the  poem  of  Aristeas  of  Proconnesus  (early  sixth  century 
B.C.  ?)  from  Herodotus  iv.  13-15,  a  passage  of  great  importance  in  this  con- 
nection. Herodotus  speaks  of  the  poem  as  ra  eVea  ravra  rk  vvv  v-rr'  'EXXY^vcov 
ApcficKTirea  KaXierai.     According  to  Suidas  the  Arimaspeia  was  a  hexameter 
poem    m  three  books.     Dlirrbach  «^  says   that  the  Arimaspians  apparently 
belonged  to  a  Scythian  myth,  and  Aristeas  seems  to  have  had  the  idea  of 
identifying  the  griffins  already  known  in  Greece,  with  the  fabulous  animals 
from  whom  in  the  story  the  Arimaspians  stole  the  gold.     But  if  we  follow 
Mr.  Evans  in  tracing  back  the  connection  of  the  griffin  and  the  sun-crod  to 
the  very  earliest  times,  we  must  surely  explain  the  localisation  of  the  <?riffins 
in   the    North   Euxine   district   by   the   myth    of  Apollo   and   the   Hyper- 
boreans,  which    will    be   referred    to    below.      Sun   myths   are   at   present 
discredited,   but   the   immemorial    connection    of  Apollo    and    the    Hyper- 
boreans   (Bd^op  'Tirep/Sop^a^v  .  .  .  ' A7r6XX<om<;   eepdnrovra  ««)   can    hardly  be 
explained  in  any  other  way.     Dim  accounts  of  a  land  where  for  a  part  of  the 
year  the  sun  never  set  must  have  reached  Hellas  at  a  very  early  period,  and 
the  griffins,  familiar  as  the  attendants  of  Apollo  in  the  representations  of  the 
god  m   art,  were  localised   in   the  unknown   land  of  marvels      Then  came 
Aristeas,  an  early  Marco  Polo,  whom  we  may  believe  really  to  have  travelled 
over  the  countries  he  described.     But  the  griffins  already  had  their  home 
there,  and  Aristeas  could  not  have  ousted  them  even  if  he  had  wished  to 
forgo   such  a  picturesque  feature   of  his   poem.      What  he  apparently  did 
was  to  tell  the  story  in  the  form  henceforth  accepted  as  the  authorized  version.    ' 
(Note,  by  the  way,  the   connection  of  Aristeas  with  Apollo  as  shown  by 
Herodotus'  story  of  his  appearance  at  Metapontum,  and  injunction  to  the 
inhabitants  to  set  upanaltarto^llo  and  a  statue  to  himself.)     The  story 

Z  f''  t^''^-;^";r"  ^^-  '^'  ^^-  «^Darembe.g^S^io...t,.  Gryphon. 

Myc.  Tree  arul  Pdlnr  Cult,   J.ff.S.  1901,  ««  Pindar,  Olymp.  in.  17. 

vol.  XXI.  part.  1.  »      ./   ^  • 

s  2 


260 


G.  M    HTR8T 


of  the  griffins  and  Arimaspians  has  ever  since  possessed  a  strange  fascination; 
beside  Aeschyhis'  lines  (Prom.  803  et  seq.)  :— 

o^vcTTOfiov^  yap  Zrjv6<;  iiKpayeh  Kvva^ 
rpv7ra<i  (f>v\a^ai,  top  t€  p.ovvoi-jra  arpaTOv 
ApifiaaTTOv  itttto^u/jlov,  o'l  XP^<^oppvTOv 

OLKOVCTLV  d/JL(f)l   vdfia   I1\0VT(0P0<;  TTOpOV 

set  Milton  {Far.  Losf,  ii.  948)  :— 

'  As  when  a  gryphon  through  the  wilderness 
With  winged  course  o'er  hill  or  nioory  dale 
Pursues  the  Arimaspian,  who  by  stealth^^ 
Has  from  his  wakeful  custody  purloined 
The  guarded  gold.' 

The  monuments  representing  these  legends  of  griffins  and  Arimaspians 
are  not  earlier  than  the  fifth  century  B.C.,  but,  as  already  seen,  griffins  had 
been  familiar  as  a  motive  in  art  for  many  centuries,  borrowed  from  the  East. 
From  Attic  tetradrachms  we  know  that  the  temple  statue  of  Apollo  at  Delphi 
had  a  griffin  on  each  side.*^^  - 

Ctesias,  who  identifies  the  Griffins  with  the  gold-digging  ants  of  India 
mentioned  by  Herod,  iii.  10l>,  gives  the  most  exact  description  of  them -^ 
ypvire^,  6pvea  rerpdiroha,  fieyeOo^i  oaov  \uvo?,  o-/ce\>;  kuI  6vvxe<i  ohinep 
Xeayv,  ra  iv  toJ  a\X«  a^fiari  irrepa  fieXava,  ipvOpa  Be  to.  €p  t«  aTfjdec  «» 
and  Pausanias-«  contributes  a  further  touch,-.^^,;  Be  Kal  aWa  rjKovaa,  r'ol, 
ypvsjn  ariyfiaTa  oirola  kul  toU  irapBaXeaiv  elvai. 

Sphinxes  are  found  as  companions  of  the  griffins  from  the  time  of  the 
Mycenaean  signets,  and  they  too  are  undoubtedly  of  Eastern  ori<nn  They 
were  associated  with  the  worship  of  Dionysus  as  well  as  with  that°of  Apollo 
and  It  may  have  been  as  creatures  of  the  Bacchic  cycle  that  they  appeared 
round  the  palace  of  Scyles  at  Olbia,  as  Herodotus  tells  of  his  initiation  in  the 
Bacchic  mysteries,  which  finally  led  to  his  death. 

lb  is  hardly  possible  here  to  make  more  than  a  bare  reference  to  the 
close  connection  of  Apollo  and  the  Hyperboreans  which  seems  to  -o  back 
far  beyond  any  period  for  which  we  can  have  anything  like  historical  evidence 
it  cannot  be  wholly  omitted,  however,  if  there  is  any  basis  for  the  conjecture 
already  made, -that  the  permanence  of  the  cult  of  Apollo  at  Olbia  was  in 
part  due  to  a  feeling  that  the  god  of  the  north  was  the  fittin<r  deity  for  the 
most  northerly  Greek  state,-a  feeling  which  artists  did  their  best  to  per- 
petuate ;  note  especially  the  constant  occurrence  of  the  griffin  in  works  of 
art  found  in  this  neighbourhood.  There  is  no  doubt  that  in  very  early  times 
the  Greeks  knew  something  of  lands  to  the  far  north,-the  earliest  reference 
in  literature  is  of  course  Odyss.  x.  84-86. 

evOa  K    di'TTvo^  dpijp  Boiov<i  i^tjpaTo  ixiaOov^, 
rov  fih  ^ovKoXewv,  rov  B  'apyvcpa  /MtjXa  vofxevwv 
^V7»^?  7«P  vvkt6^  re  Kal  ij^aro^  eiai  KeXevdoi. 


THE  CULTS  OF  OLBIA.  261 

is  of  H.'/rt'''. ''!'""'  "^'^''  '^"'^"^^  '''''  ^y  '^'  Hyperboreans  to  Delos  ^^ 
s  of  the  highest  interest  in  this  connection,  as  Delos   was  from  very  early 

vervU      T7  "^  '^"  ^r^""  ^'''^''^  '^  ^P^^^^'  ^""^  '''  ^^^^  i^ere  a  proof  of 
very  ancient  intercourse  between  the  North  and  the  Aegean.     The  route  as 

described  by  Herodotus  should  be  carefully  noticed.     Pr!f  Ridgeway -t;' 

I  ntic  S%1  ^f"".^"^  "P  ^^^^-^"^^^^  ^Pi-«  '-  ^he  head  of  the 
ctT      .1   ^  f  ^  ^'^  '''''^^  ^PP^"^-  ^^  ^^^^^  ^^^"   "^known  to  the 

w    see^nt      '  '"?'  ^^^^^^^^^^^  ^^^-n  colonising  on  its  shores.     May 

calls  It,  with  the  service  of  Apollo  the  origin,  or  at  any  rate  an  early  and 

hi  T  'T.  ■  ^"'  ^""''^'"  "^  ^^^  '^  J^^^-"^>'«  ^^d  streets?  Notice 
here  also  the  existence  of  the  city  Apollonia  on  the  Adriatic,  not  far  from 
Dodona,  and  perhaps  a  station  on  the  route  of  the  Hyperboreans.     Olen  was 

rttl     r'  W""^  "":'''  ''''  ^"^J^^^  ''  '^''  Hyperboreans,  as  we  know 
fiom  both   Herodotus   and  Pausanias.^^     Herodotus  says,-o^ro.  Be  6  'nx^u 

aecBo^euov,eu  A^Xro.  Here  again  we  have  Lycia,  another  of  the  early  locali- 
les  connected  with  the  cult  of  Apollo,  brought  into  close  intercou^e  with 
Delos  and  the  North.  Pausanias^^  says,  quoting  a  hymn  ;-'nx.jv  O^o,  yhero 
npcoro,^oc^oco  ^pocfxlra,.  We  may  compare  him  with  Aristeas,  who  seems 
also  to  have  combined  the  characters  of  poet,  traveller,  and  priest  of  Apollo 
and  observe  again  the  connection  of  travel  with  the  cult  of  Apollo-Apollo 
Apx>77eT^9'^-a  feature  prominent  later  in  the  work  of  the  Delphic  oracle  in 
lorvvarding  colonisation. 

Alcaeus'6  speaks  of  swans  bringing  the  new-born  Apollo  to  ti^e  land  of 
the  Hyperboreans.     Swans  were  among  the  creatures  attached  to  the  woiship 

A  ,ri  ;"  ■^'"^'''''  ^^f^»'^^c«  to  the  Hyperboreans  as  the  "  henchmen  of 
Apollo  has  already  been  quoted,  but  there  is  also  a  reference  to  the 
periodical  sojourning  of  the  god  in  the  North  in  Pyth.  iv.  5. 

ovK  diToBdfjLov  ' AttoXXcovo,  rv^ovro,. 

Later  poets  need  not  be  quoted ;  all  that  is  aimed  at  here  is  to  indicate 
the  likelihood  of  the  cult  of  Apollo  at  Olbia  growing  stronger  as  the 
centuries  went  by,  and  his  ancient  connection  with  the  surrounding  lands 
was  made  constantly  more  evident  alike  by  literature  and  art 


71  iv.  33-35. 

^■*  Earhj  Age  of  Greece,  i.  p.  368. 

73  viii.  21,  3. 

'*  X.  5,  7. 

7»  See  references  in   Pauly-AVissowa,  mh   v. 

44,  to  cults  of  Apollo  under  this  title. 
*  Quoted  by  Himerius.  See  Bergk,P.Z  (7  iii 
p.  146. 


ii.i  p 


wW/r.     Herod,  iii.  116. 


^  Fuitwiingler,  Arch.  Zeit.  1882,  p.  332. 


»  Ctesias,  Iiuliea,  12,  ed.  Bahr. 
"»  viii.  2,  7. 


77  Compare  Cic.,  Tusc.  i.,  30,  73,  (quoting 
from  Plato,  Phacdo,  85  B.)  '  Itaque  commeni- 
orat  ut  cygni,  qui  non  sine  causa  Apollini  dicati 
sint,  sed  quod  ab  co  divinationem  habere  vi- 
deantur,  qua  i»rovidcntes  quid  in  morte  boni 
sjtcum  cantu  et  voluptate  inoriautur,  sic  om- 
nibus bonis  et  doctis  esse  faciendum.'  Also  see 
Preller-Robert,  Gr.  MytJi.  i.'  p.  243. 


262 


G    M.  HIRST 


Bcmetcr, 

to  h^T^Trt  ^  •''•'"'''  "'•'"  '"  "'^'"^  '"  ^P"""'  "^  ^'"^  has  some  claim 
L  ooTnr  f  f  'P'""'  "'y-g»^'J«^^  H-^'  l>«ad  is  a  frequent  type  upon 
he  CO  ns,  „nd  it  seems  necessary  to  identify  tlie  Tyche  type  of  this  city  with 
Uemeter,  on  account  of  the  ears  of  barley  on  the  walled  crown.  For  the 
apparent  existence  at  Olbia  of  Apollo  and  Demeter  side  by  side  as  civic 
deities,  we  might  compare  the  position  of  Athene  and  Poseidon-Krechtheus 
at  Athens.  That  Apollo  and  Demeter  did  have  some  such  association  at 
Ulbia  IS  made  probable  by  the  fact  that  their  heads  appear  upon  coins  which 
have  similar  reverse  types.  But  Apollo  would  seem  to  have  held  the  more 
■  mportaiit  position  of  the  two,  as  his  title  of  UpoardTr,.,  would  go  far  to 
show;  It  IS  also  significant  that  while  there  are  many  Olbian  inscriptions 
lelornng  to  Apollo,  not  one  has  yet  been  found  bearing  the  name  of  Demeter, 
and  hero  are  only  three  in  the  whole  North  Euxine  district,  all  from 
Fanticapaeum..«    Of  course,  in  a  place  where  the  remains  are  as  fragmentary 

ZZ^        "t'f    M*"*'  ""  ''*''""'="  °f  inscriptions  cannot  be  regarded  a^ 
conclusive,  but  still  It  seems  curious  that  none  has  been  found,  if  Demeter 

,nv  V^     .  r,    ^T     importance.     Against  the  absence  of  the  inscriptions 

nay  be  set  the  flict  of  the  constant  appearance  of  Demeter  in  the  vase- 

pamtmgs  that  come  from  this  district;    it  is  perhaps  not  too  much  to  say 

o  ill  7d"  iT'"^""  ^•'^•'  ''""'»'"^^'  ™»^«  ^"bjects  for  the  artists  than  any 
other.  Also  Herodotus*"  speaks  of  the  existence  of  a  temple  of  Demet/r 
opposite  Olbia;  which  would  be  conclusive  evidence  if  there  were  not  a 
variant  reading  otUr,rp6,  for  A,;>,rpo9 ;  as  it  is,  the  passage  can  only  be 
quo  ed  as  a  possible  support  to  the  view  of  the  importance  of  Demeter's  cult 
at  Ulbia  at  this  early  period.  In  any  case,  there  would  undoubtedly  have 
been  a  temple  to  Demeter  there,  whether  she  held  the  position  of  chief 
sta  t"  "^yy\T^.  "'•.""''  ^  ''«^  ^^"^^''iP  -as  general  among  all  Ionian 
gS  ft  „  f";  ";".^'«'"fi^'"''=«  of  tl'e  woi-ship  of  Demeter  'als  althellenische 
n  7  r  p  !  "'"  ''"  Civilization,'  Preller-Robert  may  be  quoted  »^- 
de,  tl  cl,   .  ^'''7'""«  ^^'  »«'»'^'^'-  f"'-  das  attische  Staatsleben  [.eigt  sich] 

owoh   h?"",-;    ?  "%'.""  ^'^"^  ""''  ^P»"""  ^"^ammen   Schwurg5ttin  ist 
sowohl  bei  pohtischen  Vertragen  als  im  Eid  der  Beamten  und  Richter.'« 

Demet  er^'inr""^  '''''■  '"  "'^  "^  **>'  ^PP"^°'  association  of  Apollo  and 
-uemeter  at  (Jlbia  as  civic  deities. 

conMdeiable  difficulty.     Head,«^  under  Olbia,  says  that  the  principal  type  on 

roZtJ^"  1  '^'''  ^^''  "•  7'  20),  are  of  the 
fourth  century  b.c.  ;  the  other  (Lat.  ii.  13),  to 
Demeter  e.<r^o,p6pos,  of  the  third  century  B.c 

•  For  some  beautiful-representations  of  these 
vases  see  the  Compte-Rendu,  passim. 

**  iv.  53.  »  f  . 

"  Cp.  Preller-Robert.  Or.  Myth.   U  u    754 
lor  other  references  to  worship  of  Demeter  in 


(I 


Ionian  cities,  see  Herod.,  vi.  16  (Ephesus) ;  ix. 
97  (Miletus) ;  Strabo,  xiv.  633  ;  Dittenberger, 
Sylloge^  655 ;  I.G.A.  501 ;  Diog.  Laert.,  ix.  43  ; 
Athen.  ii.  p.  46,  F. 

82  Gr.  Myth.  i.^p.  781. 

8^  See  C.I. A.  i.  9,  13,  ii.  49,  b.  578. 

*•  Hist.  Num.  p.  233. 


THE  CULT8  OF  OLBIA.  263 

the  gold  and  silver  money  is  the  head  of  Demeter.  This  seems  somewhat 
misleading.  The  Berlin  catalogue  only  gives  one  gold  coin  of  Olbia  s^  (ex- 
duding  the  late  coin  of  Pharzoius,  No.  146);  this  has  a  head  of  Demeter. 
Out  of  the  seven  silver  coins  described  (31-37),  only  two  have  heads  of 
Demeter  (including  No.  37  with  the  head  of  Demeter-Tyche).  The  British 
Museum  catalogue  only  describes  one  silver  coin  (No.  1),  and  it  has  Demeter 
as  type.  Von  Sallet,  in  describing  No.  31  of  the  Berlin  catalogue,  says  that 
JNo^  1  in  the  British  Museum  (see  fig.  4  below)  is  an  example  of  the  same  coin 

T  f    '    Zl^'  """'^  ^^^^^  ""  '^'^''^  ^^"""^  example  is  that  given  in  Zeitsch.f.Num.  X. 
lat.  111.  The  head  on  this  latter  coin  is  very  much  more  beautiful  than  that  in 
the  British  Museum  example.     De  Koehne,  who  describes  about  160  Olbian 
coins,  only  gives  nine  which  bear  heads  of  Demeter,  three  of  which  are  silver 
and  SIX  copper.«6     Pick,  in  his  first  volume,  which  has  already  been  so  often 
quoted,  gives  five  plates   of  Olbian  coins,  in  which  presumably  examples 
ot  every   known  type  are  given,   but    unluckily  the    letterpress   describing 
the   plates   has   not   yet   been  published,  so  that  the   number  of  existing 
examples  of  each  coin  is  not  indicated,  nor  have  we  the  editor's  aid  in  vexed 
questions  of  identification.     One  hundred  and  eight  coins  are  represented  in 
Pick's  plates,  of  which  about  seventeen  can  be  quite  certainly  assigned  to 
Demeter,  excluding  those  of  which  the  identification  is  more  or  less  doubtful. 
Two  of  these  coins  are  gold  (the  only  gold  ones  in  the  collection,  leavincr  out 
three  very  late  ones)  and  four  silver ;  the  rest  are  all  copper.     So  the  state- 
ment of  Head,  which  could  be  made  more  emphatic  with  regard  to  the  o-old 
coins,  on  which  Demeter  seems  to  be  the  only  type  in   the  earlier  peSod 
appears  to  require  modification  with  regard  to  the  silver  ones,  as  well  as  the' 
addition  that  the  head  of  Demeter  is  frequently  found  on  copper  coins. 

Before  considering  the  various  types  of  Demeter  which  appear  upon  the 
coins,  it  will  be  best  to  attempt  to  determine  the  significance  of  the  wheat- 
ear  which  appears  as  a  reverse  type  on  many,  and  the  grain  of  wheat  which 
IS  seen  on  others  :  (the  wheat-ear  also  occurs  as  a  counter  mark).     But  these 
emblems  frequently  occur  with  a  fish-type  (to  give  it  this  general  thou-h 
unscientific  name),  and  the  discussion  of  the  two  cannot  be  kept  apart.     If 
the  fish-type  represents  a  sturgeon  or  a  sterlet,  so  very  common  in  the  rivers 
of  South  Russia,  it  may  fairly  be  considered  a  commercial  emblem,  and  the 
wheat-ear  can  fall  into  the  same  category  ;  if  on  the  other  hand  it  represents 
a   dolphin,  the   commercial   significance  is  scarcely  possible.     Lenormant  «< 
regards  it  as  a  sterlet,  '  type  de  la  mouette  saisissant  le  poisson  sterlet,'  and 
says  that  it  is  imitated  from  the  coins  of  Sinope  ;  it  is  certainly  impossible  to 
look  at  the  coins  in  question,  dating  from   415   B.c.,8s  without  being  struck 
with  the  close  resemblance  to  the  type  on  the  Olbian  coins.     They  are  prob- 
ably earlier  than  the  Olbian  coins,  the  type  of  which  may  therefore  have 
been  borrowed  from  them ;  we  shall  notice  below  under  Helios  another  pos- 
sible instance  of  an  Olbian  coin  with  a  type  borrowed  from  Sinope. 

^  No.  30,  Taf.  ii.  18.     Similar  to  Pick's  ex- 
ample, PI.  ix.  18,  though  not  the  same  coin. 
•^  Musce  du  Prince  Kotschouboy,  i.  p.  64,  65. 


^  La  Mommic  dans  I' Ant i quite,  i.  p.  158. 
88  B.  M.  Cat.     Pontus,  P.  95  ct  scq,  PI.  xxi. 
xxii. 


264 


G.  M.  HIRST 


In  the  British  Museum  catalogue   both   these   types   are  described  as 
dolphins.     Some  of  the  types  on  Olbian  coins  undoubtedly  are  dolphins,  e.g. 
the  reverse  type  of  Pick's  example,  PI.  ix.  24,  which  has  probably  a  head  of 
Poseidon  on  the  obverse ;  but  there  are  other  coins,  notably  Pick,  PI.   ix.  3, 
where  the  long  snout,  the  position  of  the  eye,  and  the  straightness  of  the  fish' 
seem  to  indicate  a  sterlet  rather  than  a  dolphin.    Where  the  fish  is  curved,  it 
would  seem  safer  to  identify  it  as  a  dolphin,  especially  as  the  dorsal  fin  near 
the  head,  which  is  a  characteristic   of  the  dolphin  but  not  of  the  sturgeon, 
seems  to  be  clearly  shown  on  most  of  the  Olbian  coins  of  this  type.«»     Per- 
haps it  is   impossible   now  to  decide   which    type   the   Olbian   die-cutters 
intended  to  represent.     Would  it  be  hazardous  to  conjecture  that  the  general 
pattern  of  the  type— the  sea-eagle  upon  the  fish— was  borrowed  from  Sinope, 
and  that  the  idea  of  the  original  wavered  between  the  emblematic  dolphin  and 
the  purely  commercial  sturgeon  ?     There  undoubtedly  is  a  good  deal  of  differ- 
ence in  type  between  these  fish-like  creatures,  which  this  hypothesis  seems 
to  explain.     When  we  find  an  ear  or  grain  of  corn  and   a  fish-type  on  the 
same  coin,  and  further  remember  that  grain  and  dried  fish    were  two  of  the 
main  exports  of  Olbia,  it  is  difficult  not  to  think  that  the  commercial  explan- 
ation IS  the  true  om.!^     The  dolphin  is  not  the  most   obvious   emblem   of 
Apollo,  and  it  does  not  seem  at  all  certain  that  it  would  have  been  chosen  to 
accompany  the  wheat-ear  if  it  had  been  intended  to  symbolise  Apollo  and 
Uemeter  together  as  civic  deities.^^     The  obverse  type  of  these  coins  is  some- 
times Apollo,  sometimes  Demeter. 

To  come  to  the  coins  themselves.  The  first  coin  (after  the  copper  ones 
in  Plate  VIII.)  given  by  Pick  (PI.  IX.  1,  gold)  does  not  show  the  wheat-ears 
in  the  hair  of  the  goddess  very  clearly,  but  this  is  only  because  the  coin  is 
struck  unevenly,  and  little  room  is  left  on  the  top  of  the  head  for  them  to 
appear.  The  reverse  shows  the  eagle  and  fish-type,  and  above  the  eagle  is  a 
wheat-eai.  The  heads  on  No.  2  (silver)  «^  and  No.  3  (copper)  more  distinctly 
indicate  Demeter,  as  in  each  case  the  two  wheat-ears  in  the  hair,  above  the 
forehead,  are  clearly  shown.  Both  these  coins,  and  also  4,  5,  6  (which  have 
Demeter  on  the  obverse),  have  the  eagle  on  the  fish,  in  varying  attitudes,  as 
reverse^pe.     Of  these  coins  von  Sallet  in  the  Berlin  catalogue,  under  No 


»»  If  the  dorsal  fin  is  really  the  decisive 
feature,  perhaps  it  may  help  to  decide  the 
(inestion  of  the  tish-shaped  coins  of  Olbia  in 
favour  of  Mr.  G.  F.  Hill's  alternative  explan- 
ation-that  they  are  degenerate  representations 
ot  pigs  of  bronze,  as  a  pig  of  metal  was  some- 
tunes  called  Ux<pis  (cp.  French  saumon), 
{Handbook  of  Gr.  and  Rom.  Coirut,  p.  3).  The 
most  marked  characteristic  of  these  fish-shaped 
pieces  is  the  dorsal  fin  just  behind  the  head. 

'-^  Note  that  Yon  Sallet  describes  the  head  of 
a  fish,  which  appears  with  a  grain  of  corn  as  the 
reverse  type  of  No.  83  in  the  Berlin  catalogue 
ns  a  sturgeon's.     Apollo's  head  is  on  the  ob- 
verse of  this  '-oin,  which  is  the  same  as  Pick 


ri.  ix.  14,  and  is  of  very  good  style. 

»'  The  tunnies  on  the  altar  from  Cyzicus 
described  by  Mr.  Hasluck  {J.H.S.  x.tii.  (1902), 
p.  128),  were  recognized  as  such  by  peasants  on 
the  spot ;  it  would  be  interesting  to  know  if  a 
South  Russian  peasant  would  identify  the 
Olbian  coin-type  as  a  sturgeon.  The  fish  on 
Pick's  PI.  ix.  3,  also  ix.  22,  is  not  at  all  like 
the  typical  dolphin  that  appears,  e.g.  on  coins 
of  Tarentum.  (See  Gardner's  Types  of  Greek 
Coins,  PI.  i.  22,  eu;.) 

5-  Similar  to  No.  1  in  the  Brit.  Mus.  Cat., 
given  in  fig.  4,  where  the  fish  seems  to  resemble 
the  sturgeon  rather  than  the  dolphin. 


THE  CULTS  OF  OLBIA.  265 

38,  says  :  '  The  heads  on  the  pieces  with  this  reverse  type  are  sometimes 
certainly  Demeter  with  light  wreath,  sometimes  Apollo,  laureate  (perhaps). 
Distinction  is  difficult  on  account  of  careless  workmanship.'  The  heads  on 
/  and  8  are  more  doubtful.  The  next  that  is  clearly  Demeter  is  15.  This 
has  a  fish-type  on  the  reverse,  as  have  also  17,  18,  19.  Both  the  wheat-ear 
and  the  fish-type  appear  on  IG.     The  head  on  30  is  very  similar  to  some  of 


Fig.  4.  -Silver  Coin  of  Olbi.v  in  the  Britlsii  Museum. 

those  which  are  clearly  Demeter,  but  in  this  case  the  reverse  type  is  a  bow 
111  case  and  an  axe.  In  Plate  X.  we  have  more  of  the  coins  with  the  eacrle 
and  fish  as  reverse  type,  of  which  12  and  13  appear  to  be  probably  Demeter. 
The  other  coins  are  of  more  doubtful  attribution. 

Next  comes  the  series  of  coins  with  the  turreted  female  head  on  the 
obverse,  and  the  kneeling  archer  on  the  reverse.»=^  The  wheat-ears  in  the 
coin   given   in   fig.    5   seem  to  make  the  identification   as   Demeter-Tyche 


Fig.  5.— Buonze  Coin  of  Olbia  in  the  Berlin  MuaEUM. 

certain,  though  there  is  apparently  no  other  example  of  the  walled  crown 
on  the  head  of  Demeter.  It  belongs,  of  course,  commonly  to  Cybele  and 
frequently  to  Aphrodite  «*  and  Anaitis.^^  Artemis  has  it  on  the  late  im- 
perial corns  of  Gerasa  in  the  Syrian  Decapolis,»«  and  at  Chersonesus.^^  The 
British  Museum  has  an  example  of  these  Olbian  coins  (No.  17)  which  is  de 
scribed  as  '  Head  of  the  City,  left,  wearing  a  mural  crown  and  necklace.' 
The  heads  of  the  Tyche  of  the  City,  or  City-goddess,  are  of  course  too  common 
on  coins  to  need  illustration,  but  the  identification  with  Demeter  seems  to  be 


»=«  Pick,  PI.  X.  1-4.  PI.  X.  1  is  No.  11 9  in  the 
Berlin  catalogue,  and  is  given  in  the  accompany, 
ing  figure  5.  Is  the  choice  of  the  archer  as 
reverse  type  significant  of  local  feeling,  like  the 
bow  and  battle-axe  on  the  Borysthenes  series  ? 

^  Especially  in  Cyprus,  see  Farnell,  Gk. 
Cults,  ii.  p.  704. 

"'  E.g.  on  coins  of  Amastris  in  Paphlagonia, 


early    third  century  b.c.      See   B.    M.    Cat 
(Pontus). 

*•*  Farnell,  Gk.  Cults,  ii.  p.  585. 

^'^  Von  Sallet  says  under  coin  No.  4  (Berlin 
Cat.)Taf.  i.  6.  'Artemis,  as  City-Goddess, 
seems  here  to  resemble  Tyche,  as  very  probably 
Demeter  on  the  copper  coins  of  Olbia  (with 
the  archer  as  reverse).' 


266 


G.  M.  HIRST 


unique.  It  may  be  noted  that  the  coin  given  by  Pick  (Plate  XL  1)  with  the 
turretecl  female  head  on  the  obverse,  has  the  reverse  type  of  the  eagle  (on  the 
fish  ?)  very  similar  to  the  type  on  the  coins  which  undoubtedly  have  Demeter 
on  the  obverse.*^  The  last  Olbian  coin  in  Pick's  examples,  a  silver  piece  of 
King  Inisrneus,  has  also  a  Tyche  head  as  the  reverse  type. 

The  number  and  variety  of  these  coins  seem  to  make  clear  Demetcr's 
importance  at  Olbiu— second  only  to  Apollo ;  a  position  easily  understood 
considering  that  the  staple  trade  of  Olbia  was  the  exportation  of  grain. 

Cyhcle. 

The  cult  of  Cybele  may  be  taken  next,  not  because  we  have  evidence  to 
prove  that  it  was  of  special  importance  at  Olbia,  but  because  it  has  already 
been  referred  to  twice  under  Demeter. 

We  liave  only  one  inscription  referring  to  this  cult  at  Olbia,  given  by 
Latyschev,^*^  and  it  is  of  Roman  date  : — 

\r}  Belva  .  .  .]&)i/to?  tov  ^Lovvaiou 
[Ovyd]Tr)p,  ScoKpariBov  yvi//}. 
[X(i>K]paTiBtj<i  ^iXipov  TT}v  eavTou  yvvaiKa 
MrjTpl  Oecov  i€pr)aa/j,€Vi]p. 

There  is,  however,  an  inscription  from  Panticapaeum  of  the  third 
century  B-C.,^*^^  which  may  be  (juoted  here  as  evidence,  if  any  is  needed, 
that  the  cult  of  the  Great  Mother  existed  in  this  district  in  the  earlier 
period  : — 

Baai\€vovro<i  UaipiadBov  tov  XnapTOKOV  'EaTiaia  MrjvoBcopov  OvyuTrjp 
Upcofiepr]  dveOrjKev  MrjTpl  ^Ppvyiai. 

The  reading  of  Mt^t/oo?  for  Arjp,rjTpo^  in  Herod,  iv.  53.  has  been  already 
spoken  of  under  Demeter;  and,  if  accepted,  would  of  course  give  very  much 
higher  antiquity  for  the  cult.  None  of  the  Olbian  inscriptions  containing  the 
name  of  a  deity  go  back  anything  like  so  far  as  the  date  of  Herodotus'  visit 
to  Olbia,  so  that  he  is  our  most  ancient  authority  for  anything  concerning  the 
cults  of  the  city. 

Pick  i«i  gives  one  coin  which  bears  a  head  of  Cybele  ;  a  reproduction  is 
given  in  fig.  6.  It  is  apparently  rare,  as  there  is  no  example  in  the  Berlin 
collection,  and  De  Koehne  ^^'  only  quotes  one,  which  seems  to  be  the  same  as 
that  given  by  Pick  : — 


'*  The  two  kinds  of  mnral  crowns  should  of 
course  l>€  carefully  distinguished,  that  belonging 
to  the  Tyche  type,  and  the  much  heavier  cue 
with  the  veil,  worn  by  Cybele.  A  reference  to 
the  accompanying  figures  will  make  this  clear. 
See  also  De  Koehne  on  this  point  {loc.  cit. 
p.  68).     He  sets  the  date  of  these  Olbian  coins 


at  250-200  B.C.,  just  at  the  time  when  the  per- 
sonification of  the  Tyche  of  the  City  was  be- 
coming common  throughout  the  Greek  world. 

»»  i.  107. 

»•»  ii.  17. 

»«i  PI.  X.  No.  35. 

'"■^  loc.  cit.  p.  66. 


THE  CULTS  OF  OLBIA. 


267 


Obverse. 
Tete  couverte  d'un  voile,  tombant  en 
arriere    et    d'une    couronne    murale, 
derri^re  un  rameau  en  contremarque. 


Reverse. 
OABIO —  nOAl 

Tympanon. 
M.  2.V. 


Fig.  6.— Bkonze  Coin  of  Olbia  (from  Pick). 

Cybele,  is,  however,  a  frequent  type  on  the  coins  of  the  North  Ku.Kinc 
district  of  Imperial  date.  Several  examples  are  given  by  Pick  (Plate  XVIII.) 
where  full  figures  of  the  goddess  occur ;  note  especially  No.  14,  a  coin  of 
Istros,  where  the  lions  beneath  her  throne  are  very  distinct.  De  Koehne  ^^^ 
mentions  the  finding  of  a  colossal  seated  statue  of  Cybele  at  Panticapaeum, 
which  so  exactly  corresponds  to  the  type  on  the  coin  that  it  would  seem' 
almost  certain  that  the  latter  is  a  copy  of  the  statue.  The  Athenian  statue 
of  the  Mother  of  the  Gods  by  Pheidiasi^*  seems  not  to  have  worn  the 
mural  crown.  Arrian  ^^^  does  not  mention  it  among  the  other  attributes,  and 
the  numerous  Attic  votive  reliefs,  which  must  have  had  this  statue  as  their 
type,  do  not  show  it.^««  The  cult  of  Cybele  in  its  various  aspects  approached 
so  closely  to  that  of  other  female  deities  that  a  distinction  is  often  difficult. 
She  was  looked  upon  as  the  foundress  of  states  and  cities,  whose  walls  she 
wears  as  a  crown  like  the  Syrian  Astarte,  hence  her  name  '  mater  turrita '  or 
'  turrigera.'  ^^"^ 

G.  M.  Hirst. 


**«  loc.  cii.  p.  67. 

^''*  By  Pheidias  according  to  Paus.  i.  3,  5. 
and  Arrian  ;  according  to  Pliny  (N.ff.  36,  17), 
by  Agoracritus.  It  represented  the  goddess 
with  a  cymbal  in  her  hand,  and  lions  under  her 
chair. 

"3  Pcripl.,  p.  9. 

^^  Stepliani,  Herakl,  p.  67. 


^"^  Verg.  Aoi.  vii.  785,  Ovid,  Fast.  iv.  219. 
See  O.  Jahn,  Arch.  ZcU.  1864,  174,  A.  3,  who 
says  the  tower-crown  jtrobably  came  from  Asia 
to  Greece  (Bottiger,  Ktmst.  Myth.  i.  p.  286)  ; 
when  it  became  prevalent  is  not  known.  See 
also  Mr.  A.  J.  Evans,  Myc.  Tree  and  Pillar 
Cult,  J.n.S.  vol.  xxi.  (1901),  p   166. 


THE  CULTS  OF  OLBIA. 


25 


M 


ii|i| 


THE  CULTS  OF  OLBLV. 

Part  IL 

(Continued  from  Vol.  A'XlT.,p.  267), 


•  Ai^hroditc. 

[  A(f)po]8iT7)i  EvTrXoiai, 

[Ooo-J/^eo?  Uoa-iSeiov 

X^pio-Ttjpiou. 

This  inscription  is  of  the  first  rpnfi...,r  o^      m    • 

Poskleos  is  no  ,  oubt  the  same  iudwTiT  \    1\^"'' '  ^'"'"^'°'  *''«  ■"«»  "f 

to  Ze„s  Atab,rios,  Athene  Uuf^.;:''!'"^'^'' ;'«""^f"g-'  ^eapoHs^ 

conjectures  hin,  to  have  been  a  Rhn        ^    ■     , "'""'"  f''^^""']-     Boeckh  ^ 

to  Athene  Lindia  an  1  Lt  11 W  "'nT  1"','  ''^"■"'"^  °'*''<'  'i'^^''-'-- 
was  worshipped  at  Cni.hls  "        '      ''  "''"  '^""'''"^^  Apl^^^dite  Euploia 

ver,Ii::TSSr-r,3Xr^^^^^^  epithet  E„VX„.  is  so 

in  the  Peiraeus.  near  the  s  a  n  1  In!  „  1  ''  '°  ^.'"-'"«  ^nilt  byConon 
there  were  three  temples    f  A,    "J     ;  ^  C^i'f™' '-.'-^  °«,  ^'-1-.  -y« 

that  Conon's  temple  a  the  pli,,  ';'^;-^°""'-'     Pausanias  does  not  say 

an  inscription  d  Sver  5  in  tl  !  PeT"  "'"V''  '"  ^P'""'"^  E^-^o,a.  but 
no  epig.;ph,e  authoH  J  I  e  t  ffiVf "  "'"  '^r'^'"^'-  ^'^'^  »'-<' 
Conon).     The  inscription «  rlls-  '"   "'    ''''^>'   "^    '"'^    ''■-"«  «f 

'Apyilo,  Wpyei'ov  TpiKo[pC^w,] 
^TpaT7,y,jaa<!  eVi  rof,  ne,pa[,a] 
A<t,poBirei.  Ei-^\o,'ai  t[vxs  dyaeij  ?] 


*  Latyschev,  i.  114. 

'■'  latyschev,  i.  242,  243,  244 
'  C.I.O.  ii.  210.3  b. 

•  i  1,  3. 


■'  Not,,    that   Famell  (Oi.    Cnll,   „  5, 

supports  the  view  that  the  Cidia,,  .stilue  by 
Pr.^teto,.e,,re,e„tedAph,.o,liteE».».„. 


The  Argens  here  mentioned  was  archon  97—96  B.C.'  Besides  this 
inscription  and  the  one  at  Olbia,  there  are  only  two  others  where  this  title 
of  Aphrodite  occurs.  One,^  from  Aegeae  in  OiHcia,  1st  century  B.C.,  is  a 
dedication  to  Aphrodite  Ev-rrXoLa  together  with  Poseidon  \\a<j)d\eio<i.  The 
other  is  from  Mylasa,^  probably  of  later  date  ;  it  refers  to  lepev<i  ' A<f)poBiTr}<i 
E^TrXom?.  Many  cognate  titles,  however,  are  known  from  inscriptions,  e.g. 
at  Troezen  an  inscription  i^  of  the  3rd  century  B.C.  speaks  of  tu^  'A<f)poSLTa^ 
Ta?  e>  ^d(T<Tais\  and  at  Panticapaeum,  in  an  inscription  of  the  Roman  period,^^ 
we  find  Aphrodite  ^avapxi^  and  Poseidon  Swo-tVeo?  side  by  side.^^ 

The  word  EYrTAOl  is  found  on  a  gem  which  represents  Eros  riding  on 
a  dolphin.-:*  Compare  with  this  the  inscription  on  a  lamp  shaped  like  a 
boat^*  with  the  wwds,  Ei/TrXom  Xa/Si  fie  tov  'RXioaepa-mv}'^  Welcker^c 
(piotes  with  approval  Schneidewin's  emendation  of  Archilochus  ^^ 

TToXXa  B'  ivTrXoKu/jLov  Ei^vrXot?;?  dXo<i  ev  TreXd'yeaaiv 
OeaadfievoL  yXvKepov  voarov. 

A  more  detailed  consideration  of  Aphrodite  under  this  aspect  would  be 
out  of  place  here :  see  Farnell,  vol.  ii,  p.  636—7  ;  689  et  seq. 

Aphrodite  'ATrdrovpof;. 

As  the  inscription  to  Aphrodite  EuTrXom  is  of  late  period,  reference 
must  be  made  to  inscriptions  from  other  places  on  the  North  Eux'ine  which 
refer  to  the  worship  of  Aplirodite. 

The  oldest  inscription  of  Sarmatia,!^  dating  from  the  early  part  of  the 
5th  centui-y  B.C.,  is  a  dedication  to 

®E-:AnATOPO 

I.e.  Aphrodite  'ATraTovpo^:.  This  was  found  near  the  river  Kuban.  At 
Phanagoria  a  late  inscription  '''  refers  to  Aphrodite  'A-rrarovpid^  ;  and  there 
are  two  that  refer  to  this  cult  at  Panticapaeum  ;  one,  perhaps  1st  centurv 
B.c.,-*^  contains  the  words  - 


7  Notice  Farnell's  curious  error  [Greel- Cults, 
ii.  p.  733)  in  dating  this  inscription  in  the  latter 
part  of  the  fourth  century  b.c. 

^  C.I.G.  4443. 

^  Uova.  Kai  Bi0\ioe.  S.uupvrjs,  1875,  j..  50  ; 
B.C.ff.  V.  1880,  108  ;  xii.  1888,  30. 

'"  Collitz,  Dial.-Inschr.  3364  b,  ].  14. 

"  Latyschev,  ii.  25. 

'-  For  this  connection  with  Poseidon  compare 
Pans.  vii.  24,  2,  -npls  BaXdaans  'ArppoSiTTjs  Uplv 
iv  Aty'icp  Kal  ner'  aiirh  UoafiSivus,  and  also 
Comptc  Rendu  1881,  134-5  ;  1877,  246  d  seq. 
with  the  Atlas,  Plate  v.  No.  1,  where  Aphro- 
dite appears  witli  a  dolphin  on  a  vase.  C.I.G. 
7390,  gives  the  inscription  on  a  black  figured 
vase  in  which  Poseidon  appears  with  a  female 


-in  a  chariot,  'htppol'nris.  Uoa-eiSivos.  TlvOoKXris 
Ka\6s. 

^*  C.I.G.  7309,  on  which  Boeckh  comments, 
'  pertinuit  ad  navigationem  in  pelago  amoris.' 

'*  C.I.G.  8514. 

"  Is  it  worth  while  to  note,  in  view  of  the 
supposition  that  Posideos  was  a  Pvhodian,  that 
the  head  of  the  sun  appeai-s  on  this  lamp  ?  '  in 
extrema  navicula  caput  radiatum  Solis,  quale 
esse  solet  in  nummis  Khodioruin  '  (Boeckh). 

'"  Gr.  GiMcrlehre,  ii.  p.  706. 

'''  Zeitschr.f.  d.  AUcrlh.  1845.  S.  166. 

18  C.I.G.  ii.  2133,  Lat.  ii.  469. 

'"  Lat.  ii.  352. 

-''  Lat.  ii.  19. 


-6  G.  M.   HIRST 

ave0TjK[av  Tr)p  <rTt']]- 
\rj[p]  \\(t)poB[e]iTr)  Ov[pavia  ' Airarov- 
[p\ov  fieBeovarji. 

This  'AiraTovpou  is  referred  to  by  Strabo  xi.  495,  eari  Be  kuI  h  tt) 
<Pavayopia  t/")?  'AiftpoBirr)^  Upov  eTricryj/jLov  r^?  'ATrarovpov.  The  other 
Panticapaeum  inscription  -^  is  of  the  Roman  period,  and  gives  similar  titles. 
One  from  Phanagoria  22  of  the  4th  century  B.C.  ought  perhaps,  to  be  quoted:— 

A/]/xapxo<{  ^Kvdew 
dvedrjKev  ^A(f>poBLT[r]i] 
Ovpavirji  ' AiraTovpo(v) 
fjLeheov(Tr]L 
ap^ovTo<i 

A€VKQ)VO<i    Bo<T7r6p[o](v) 
KOi  ^)€oSo<7ll]<i' 

For  this  aspect  of  Aphrodite  see  Preller-Robert,-'  wlio  say,  apparently 
relying  on  this  inscription,  that  at  Phanagoria  Apliroilite  Apatouros  does  not 
seem  to  have  differed  from  Aphrodite  Urania,  and  remark  on  the  prevalence 
of  the  worship  of  Aphrodite  on  the  Black  Sea,  in  her  aspect  as  goddess  of 
the  clan  '-* ;  in  which  connection  it  is  worth  noting  that  a  great  number  of 
representations  of  Aphrodite,  chietiy  in  terracotta,  have  been  found  in  the 
Tauric  Chersonese,  one  of  which,  at  any  rate,  will  have  to  be  referred  to 
later.  Farnell  -■'  regards  this  refined  cult  of  the  goddess  as  the  patroness 
of  the  married  life  of  the  clan  as  a  native  Greek  development.  May  we  press 
this  as  additional  evidence  of  the  purely  Greek  character  of  the  colonies  on 
the  North  Euxine  ?  It  may  be  noted  that  there  was  a  montli  in  the  Ionic 
calendar  called  ' ATrarovpecov.^ 

As  to  the  monumental  evidence  for  this  cult,  Farnell  seems  right  in 
saying  (p.  705)  that  we  have  no  sure  monumental  representation  of  Aphro- 
dite as  the  goddess  of  the  clan,  or  the  civic  community,  unless  we  accept  as 
genuine  the  relief  upon  which  appears  the  inscription  ^eo  ' A-rrarovpo  already 
quoted.  This  relief  represents  'Aphrodite  with  Eros  and  Ares;  its  style  is 
quite  out  of  keeping  with  the  date  of  the  inscription.  .  .  .  The  sculptor 
knew  no  other  way  of  designating  her  as  the  clan-goddess,  except  by  adding 
the  figure  of  Ares  for  the  idea  of  marriage  and  of  Eros  for  the  idea  of  love ; 
and  without  the  inscription,  no  one  would  recognize  in  her  the  goddess 
"AiraTovpri:  Stephani,  on  the  other  hand,^'  regards  a  relief  in  terracotta 
as  a  representation  of  Aphrodite  'Airdrovpo^,  but  apparently  this  comes 
about  because  he  considers   'A-rraTovpo^  and    Dai/STy/xo?  as  interchanc^eable 


2'  Lat.  ii.  28. 

'^-  Lat.  ii.  349,  C.I.G.  2120.  Another,  Lat.  iv. 
419  (fourth  century  B.C.). 

■■^3  Gr.  Myth.  i.  p.  378. 

-*  The  word  'Atrdrovpos  is  of  course  derived 
from  the  Ionic  festival  of  the  Apatouria. 


2-'  GJ:.  Cults,  ii,  j..  656  d  f>rq. 

■-'  See  references  in  Puuly-Wissowa,  under 
Apaturion.  I.  p.  2680.  One  of  the  Olbian 
months  had  this  title,  Lat.  i.  28. 

'^  Compte  Ilmdu.  1859,  p.  126.  Atlas,  plate 
iv.  No.  1,  Farnell  Gk.  Cults,  ii.  p.  686,  note. 


THE  CULT8  OF  OLBTA. 


27 


terms.  He  describes  the  relief  as  representing  the  goddess  wrapped  in  a 
chiton,  himation,  and  veil,  seated  on  a  goat,  running  rapidly  to  the  right  of 
the  spectator.  Two  kids  gambol  below,  indicating  Aphrodite  as  the  goddess 
of  the  generative  power.  That  the  goddess  is  Aphrodite  is  proved  by  the 
presen(5e  of  Eros  behind  her,  and  a  dove  flying  in  front.  The  goddess,  he 
says,  is  represented  in  her  character  of  Apatouros  or  Pandemos.  Elsewhere  ^^ 
he  refers  to  a  vase  representing  Aphrodite  on  a  he-goat  as  a  representation  of 
Aphrodite  ' Airdrovpo^;,  and  compares  the  well-known  statue  by  Scopas  ;  but 
as  I  should  regard  Apatouros  and  Pandemos  as  separate  titles,  consideration 
of  the.se  types  of  Aphrodite  would  here  be  out  of  place. 

It  is  perhaps  worth  noting  that  the  name  Apatourios  occurs  frequently 
as  a  proper  nan^e  in  inscriptions  from  the  North  Euxine  district,  among 
others  in  an  Olbian  one  of  the  fifth  century  B.C.,  one  of  the  onh'  two  known 
of  so  early  a  date.-^ 

Aj^hrodite  Ovpavia. 

One  other  title  of  Aphrodite  must  be  mentioned, — that  of  Ovpavia,  as 
it  occurs  in  two  inscriptions  of  Phanagoria  ^"^  of  the  fourth  century  B.C.  and  two 
later  ones  of  Panticapaeum.'^^  It  may  be  noted,  however,  that  in  all  but  one  of 
these  inscriptions  (ii.  347)  the  title  is  joined  with  that  of  'AiraTovpo^.  Here 
Herodotus  may  be  quoted,  who  says  (iv.  59)  that  Aphrodite  Ovpavia  was  one 
of  the  special  deities  worshipped  by  the  Scythians,  and  that  they  called  her 
Artimpasa;  though,  if  we  are  right  in  believing  that  Olbia  in  its  earlier 
period  was  little  affected  by  Scythian  customs,  either  in  religion  or  anything 
else,  the  reference  has  little  point  here.  Farnell"^-  says:  'The  clearest  sign 
of  the  Eastern  goddess  in  the  Greek  community  is  the  title  Ovpavia,'  and 
notes  that  the  worship  of  the  goddess  in  this  aspect  is  especially  found  in 
places  which  had  connection  with  Asia,  instancing  Panticapaeum  as  a 
Milesian  colony.  It  may  be  worth  while  here  to  remark  that  De  Koehne  ^-^ 
traces  the  origin  of  the  cult  of  Helios  at  Olbia  to  its  connection  with 
Sinope  ;  and  the  cult  of  Aphrodite  Ovpavia  may  have  been  introduced  in  a 
similar  way. 

In  summing  up  the  evidence  for  the  cult  of  Aphrodite  at  Olbia,  it  must 
be  admitted  at  once  that  we  have  no  direct  testimony  except  the  one  late 
inscription  to  Aphrodite  KvTrXota.  Still,  it  is  reasonable  to  suppose  that  the 
cult  was  of  some  importance  at  Olbia,  as  we  know  that  the  worship  of 
Aphrodite  'A7rdrovpo<;  was  prevalent  in  the  North  Euxine  district :  moreover, 
the  number  of  representations  of  Aphrodite  found  there,  especially  in 
the  Tauric  Chersonese,  helps  to  confirm  this  belief 


'■^*  Coviptc  Rendu,  1871,    plate  v.  No.   3,  and 
p.  138,  184. 
■-'»  Lat.  iv.  28  a. 
3"  Lat.  ii.  343,  347.  iv.  419. 


■^1  Lat.  ii.  19,  28. 

:'■=  Gk.  Calls,  ii.  p.  629. 

■^  Mus.  du  P.  K.  i.  59. 


28 


G.   ^r.  HTR8T 


A7'temis. 

Tlie  evidence  for  the  cult  of  Artemis  at  Olbia  is  of  an  exactly  opposite 
kind  to  that  for  Aphrodite;  in  the  case  of  Artemis  we  have  testimony  from 
coins,  but  none  from  inscriptions.  The  type  is  not  a  very  common  one  on 
Olbian  coins.  There  is  an  example  in  the  British  Museum  (No.  IG)  which 
has  a  head  of  Artemis  on  the  obverse,  and  a  quiver  with  strap  on  the 
reverse.  This  seems  to  be  similar  to  the  coin  given  by  Pick.'*  Three 
are  given  in  the  Berlin  catalogue,  Nos.  128-130,  not  unlike  the  above. 
De  Koehne  ^''  gives  six,  but  four  of  these  have  been  sometimes  recog- 
nized as  Demeter ;  the  reverse  is  a  dolphin  or  a  sea-eagle,  or  both,  and 
there  seems  to  be  no  special  reason  for  supposing  that  the  head  on  the  obverse 
is  that  of  Artemis. 

Before  considering  at  all  the  mass  of  literary  material  relating  to  the 
cult  of  Artemis  on  the  North  Euxine,  the  inscriptions  referring  to  it  had 
better  be  mentioned.  There  is  one  from  Phanagoria  of  the  fourth  centurv 
B.C."''"'  which  begins 

p:,evoK\€LBrj<;  Tl6<Tio<;  avWrjtce  rbv  vaov 

'AprifxiBi  ' Ay poTepai. 

With  this  may  be  compared  the  silver  coin  of  Phanagoria,  of  the  first  century 
B.C.,  which  has  on  the  obverse  a  head  of  Artemis  Agrotera."'"  At  Pantica- 
paeum  we  find  an  inscription  of  the  fourth  century  B.C.  to  Artemis  'Ei^etretr;, 
which  is  interesting  as  again  showing  the  connection  of  Panticapaeum 
with   Asia,^'^  and  at  Tanais  there  is  one  of  Roman  period,  beginning  dea 

More  interesting,  perhaps,  are  the  two  inscriptions  from  Chersonesus,"**^  at 
which  place,  as  we  have  already  seen,  Artemis  held  the  position  of  city- 
goddess,  and  appears  on  the  coins  wearing  the  mural  crown.*^  The  first 
inscription,  which  is  of  third  or  second  century  B.C.,  is  fragmentary,  but 
contains  the  words  Td<;  UapOevov,  and  the  second,  which  is  a  very  long 
decree,  has  at  1.  24  the  words  a  Bia  iravro^  ^epcrovaa-iTav  irpoaTaTovca 
Tlapdevo's,  which  have  already  been  quoted  in  comparison  with  the  title 
Apollo  ITpofrTaTr;?.  Further  down  we  have  a  reference  to  the  Uapdevela 
held  in  honour  of  Artemis,  1.  48 : 

heh6-)(daL  rai  /SovXcii  koI  tmi  hdfiWL  <TT€(f>av- 
waai  Ai6(f)avTov  ' AaKXaTnoSuypov  j^pvaewt 
(TT€^dv(OL  llapdeveioL^  iv  rdi  TrofiTrdt, 


^*  Die  Anlikcn  Miin'rn  Nord-Gricch inlands, 
i.  1.  Plate  X.  No.  6. 

■"  loc.  cit.  pp.  62,  63. 

=««  Lat.  ii.  344. 

3"  Brit.  Mus.  Cat.  Poutxis,  p.  3,  PI.  I.  6. 

^  Lat.  ii.  11,  Dittenberger,  Syll,-  No.  326, 
see  also.  Pans.   4.   31.    8.     'Ecpfaiav  if''\prtfiiv 


iroAety  t€  vofxl^ouaiv  at  itaaai  nat  ai'Spos  Ihic^Ofutv 
fiaAiffra  6.yovaiv  iv  T»/xf).  ^ 

^^  Lat.  ii.  421. 

^"  Lat.  i.  184,  185. 

*^  See  Berlin  Catilogue  muU-r  Chersonesua, 
aiul  note  especially  Taf.  i.  6. 


THE  CULTS  OF  OLBIA. 


29 


and  1.  51  , 

oradrjixev  Be  avTov  kol  eiKova  ^aXKeav  ev- 
ottXov  €v  tcll  uKpoTToXei  irapa  tov  rd<i  UapOev- 
ov l3(i)/jiov  KOL  TOV  rd^  ^epaovdcrov. 

An  inscription  from  the  Tauric  Chersonese*-  dated  probably  about  150 
B.C.  contains  the  formula  of  the  oath  taken  by  magistrates  : 

ofxvvo)  Aia  Tdv^'AXiov  UapOevov  Oeov<;   OX-    • 
v/ji7riov<;  Kal  'OXu/iTr/a?. 

So  we  have  abundant  evidence,  even  without  the  literature,  for  the  paia- 
mount  importance  of  the  cult  of  Artemis  at  Chersonesus. 

The  story  of  the  legendary  connection  of  Artemis  with  the  Tauric 
Chersonese  presents  many  difticulties.  To  quote  Herodotus  first :  he  says  ^'"^ 
that  the  Tauri  sacrifice  shipwrecked  persons  to  the  Virgin,  tt)v  Be  Bai/xova 
ravTijv  jf)  Ovov(TL  Xeyovai  avrol  TavpoL  ^Icjyiyiveiav  rrjv  ' Aya/ji€/jivovo<i  elvai, 
on  which  Stein's  comment  is  '  avrol  Tavpot,  nicht  die  Hellenen.' 

Farnell  **  thinks  that  the  worship  of  the  Tauric  Artemis  was  aboriginal 
in  Attica,  and  that  in  any  case  it  cannot  have  come  from  the  Black  Sea 
originally,  as  the  cult  of  Brauron  points  to  a  very  early  period,  and  the  Crimea 
was  opened  to  Greek  civilization  at  a  comparatively  late  time.  The  Avorship 
of  Artemis  under  this  aspect  seems  to  have  been  connected  with  a  very 
primitive  type  of  idol,  and  with  a  vngue  legend  of  bloodshed,  so  he  thinks 
that  when  the  early  settlers  of  the  Crimea  spread  the  story  of  the  cruel  rites 
of  the  native  goddess,  the  similarity  of  sound  in  the  name  of  the  peninsula 
and  the  cult-name  at  Brauron  (probably  Tavpo7r6Xo<;)  caused  the  identifica- 
tion. Iphigeneia,  he  thinks,  was  a  local  cult-name  of  Artemis,  and  he  quotes 
Pausanias,*"  AprcycttSo?  eTTLKXrjaiv  ^l(f)iyev€ia<;  iarlv  lepov  ;  also  Hesychius,  s.'". 
'l<f)tyei'€ia'  y  "Apre/xt?. 

However,  there  is  some  slight  verbal  inconsistency,  at  all  events,  between 
this  view  and  that  put  forward  by  Farnell  himself  on  the  first  and  second 
pages  of  vol.  ii. — that  the  cult  of  Artemis  can  be  traced  back  to  a  prehistoric 
period,  and  is  found  in  all  the  chief  places  of  prehistoric  Greek  settlement ; 
from  which,  and  from  certain  most  primitive  features  of  the  cult,  he  infers 
that  it  was  '  an  aboriginal  inheritance  of  the  Greek  nation.'  Then  he  speaks 
of  its  diffusion  through  the  various  streams  of  Greek  colonization — 'it  was 
implanted  at  an  early  time  .  .  .in  the  Tauric  Chersonese.'  According  to 
Professor  Ridgeway  ^*^  traces  of  Mycenaean  culture  have  been  found  along  the 
shore  of  South  Russia.  Would  it  not  then  be  an  admissible  conjecture  that 
the  barbarous  goddess  of  the  Crimea  was  the  lineal  descendant  of  the  Artemis 
worshipped  by  the  inhabitants  of  the  same  district  in  the  Mycenaean  Age, 
and  that  the  Brauronian  Artemis  was  the  descendant  of  the  same  divinity  in 
Greece  proper  ?      Thus  we  could  account    for  the  resemblances  between  the 


*-  Quoted  by  Farnell,  G/j.  Cults,  ii.  567  from 
licvuc  (Ics  ifudcs  Grccques,  1891,  p.  338. 
«  iv.  103. 


"  Greek  Cults,  ii.  452,  3. 

«  ii.  35,  1. 

*^  Early  A(jc  of  Greece,  vol.  i.  p.  182. 


30 


Ci.   M.   HIRST 


two  cults.  The  intiuence  of  the  literature  that  sprang  up  around  the  story 
of  Iphigeneia  would  have  its  etfect,  as  time  went  on,  and  the  worship  became 
less  primitive,  in  confirming  the  position  of  Artemis  as  chief  goddess  of  the 
Chersonese,  as  we  have  suggested  already  in  the  case  of  Apollo  at  Olbia,  and 
his  mythical  connection  with  the  North.  The  cult  of  Heracles  at  Olbia  was 
no  doubt  aftected  in  the  same  way  by  the  literature. 

We  may  judge,  then,  that  the  cult  of  Artemis  was  of  some  importance 
at  Olbia,  even  though  we  have  no  direct  evidence  except  the  few  coins 
quoted.  Perhaps,  too,  we  should  be  justified  in  thinking  that  Artemis  must 
have  had  some  share  of  special  honour  in  a  city  of  which  Apollo  was  the 
tutelary  deity. 


Athene. 

Athene  may  be  taken  next,  as  the  only  other  female  deity  for  whose 
worship  at  Olbia  we  have  any  evidence  ;  though  her  cult  has  no  connection 
with  that  of  the  four  pieceding  goddesses  who  are  all,  under  some  of  their 
various  aspects,  more  or  less  linked.  There  are  no  inscriptions  from  Olbia 
that  mention  the  name  of  Athene,  and  only  two  from  the  North  Euxine  district 
— a  dedication  to  Athene  Scoreipa  at  Chersonesus  ^'  of  the  fourth  century  B.C., 
and  the  dedication  to  Athene  Lindia  from  Neapolis.^^  However,  this  has  a 
certain  connection  with  Olbia,  as  the  dedicator  is  Posideos  the  sou  of 
Posideos,  whom  we  may  conclude  to  be  the  same  as  the  man  who  made  the 
dedication  to  Aphrodite  EvTrXoia  at  Olbia. 

But  Athene  and  the  Gorgon  are  frequent  types  on  the  Olbian  coins.  It  is 
quite  likely  that  the  type  of  Athene  had  a  conunercial  rather  than  a  religious 
origin,  since  Olbia  traded  especially  with  Athens,  and  the  Athenian  coins 
would  be  familiar  at  Olbia,  as  thiough  so  large  a  part  of  the  Greek  worM. 
Indeed,  it  is  not  improbable  that  tlie  absence  of  very  early  coins  of  Olbia  is 
due  to  the  use  of  Athenian  money,  and  (perhaps  a  little  later)  of  the  Cyzicene 
staters,  as  the  regular  circulating  medium  of  Olbia,  and  that  the  large  cast 
bronze  pieces,  to  which  we  shall  soon  refer,  were  intended  to  supply  small 
change  for  home  use.^'^  We  have  some  interesting  evidence  of  the  money  in 
use  at  Olbia  from  an  inscription  given  by  Latyschev.-^^^  The  inscription,  which 
dates  from  the  beginning  of  the  fourth  century  B.C.,  is  a  decree  of  the  people 
of  Olbia  for  regulating  the  sale  of  gold  and  silver.  After  decreeing  that 
there  shall  be  free  importation  and  exportation  of  ^pvaiov  eTriarjfjLov  rj 
dpyvpioi/  iiTia-ijfjLoPy  the  inscription  proceeds : 

7r(i}\€iv  Be  Kai  oiveladat  iravra  irpo^i  to  vofitafia 
TO  T^?  TToXeft)?,  Trpo?  Tov  ')(a\Kov  Koi  TO  ap- 
yvptov  TO  'OX^iottoXltlkov. 


*^  Lat.  iv.  82. 
"  Lat.  i.  243. 
*^  Cp.  Lenormaut,  La  Moanaie  datis  VAnti' 


quite,  vol.  i.  p.   157. 
^  Lat.  i.  11. 


THE  CULTS  OF  OLBIA. 


31 


From  this  it  is  clear  that  there  was  no  gold  money  of  Olbia  at  this  date 
(though  gold  coins  must  have  come  into  use  soon  afterwards,  apparently,  as 
another  inscription  '*^  speaks  of  1000  gold  pieces)  ;  and  it  might  perhaps  be 
conjectured  that  the  copper  money  was  more  abundant  than  the  silver,  as  it 
is  mentioned  first,  and  not  in  order  of  value,  as  in  the  case  of  the  gold  and 
silver  at  the  beginning.  A  little  further  down  in  the  .same  (i.  11)  inscription 
we  have : — 

TO  he  -^pvai'ov  TrojXelv  kul  cDveiaOai  tov  /xev 
(jTaTrjpa  tov  K.v^lk7]v6v  evBcKa  tov  rjfiiaTa- 

TtjpOV  KOL  /JLiJTe  d^lCOTGpOV  /jLr]T€  TLfJLLliiTep- 

ov,  TO  B'  aXXo  ')(^pv(Tiov  to  eTrtarj/jLov 

cnrav  kol  dpyvpiov  to  iirlarjp^ov  ircoXelv  koX 

oiveladai  co?  dv  dXXrfXov^  ireidtDai. 

Fiom  the  special  mention  of  the  Cyzicene  staters,  we  should  infer  that 
they  were  the  coins  in  commonest  use  at  Olbia  at  this  period.  But  the 
period  of  the  most  active  intercourse  between  Olbia  and  Athens  was  the 
earlier  one,  before  the  Peloponnesian  War — the  trade  was  probably  at  its 
height  in  the  time  of  Herodotus — and  it  may  well  have  been  that  the  staple 
medium  of  exchange  at  Olbia  in  the  earlier  days  was  the  Athenian  coinage. 
A  head  of  Athene  is  one  of  the  commonest  of  the  counter-marks  on  Olbian 
coins ;  upon  which  Prof.  Percy  Gardner  has  made  (privately)  the  following 
interesting  comment :— '  A  counter-mark  is  often  put  on  a  coin  to  show  that 
it  is  current  at  some  place  where  it  was  not  struck.  Can  this  mean  that  the 
coin  passed  at  some  Athenian  factory  ? '  We  long  here  for  some  of  the 
knowledge  of  the  commercial  history  of  the  North  Euxine  that  Herodotus 
would  have  been  so  competent  to  give  us.  He  has  told  us  so  much  of  ancient 
trade,  but  so  little  about  Olbia  and  the  Greek  colonies  of  this  district,  there 
IS  hardly  a  trade-reference  bearing  upon  the  North  Euxine  excej^t  that  to  the 
bcythians  •''-  o'l  ovk  eVi  aLTrjaL  aireipovai  tov  aiTov  dXX'  iirl  Trpijaei. 

At  all  events  most  numismatists  agree  that  the  large  cast  bronze  pieces 
are  among  the  earliest  of  Olbian  coins,^^  and  one  of  the  smaller  of  these 
pieces  ^^  has  a  very  archaic  head  of  Athene  on  the  obverse.  Of  the  Gorgon- 
head  that  appears  on  several  of  the  other  coins  of  this  class  we  will  speak 
later. 

The  British  Museum  catalogue  does  not  describe  any  coin  bearing  a 
head  of  Athene,  and  the  Berlin  collection  has  only  one  (No,  133),  apparently 
of  late  period,  though  from  the  very  sparing  use  of  dates  in  that  otherwise 
admirable  catalogue,  it  is  frequently  difficult  to  decide  the  exact  period  to 
which  the  editor  would  assign  any  given  coin.  De  Koehne  (p.  35)  gives  four 
of  the  cast  pieces,  similar  to  th?tt  quoted  above  from  Pick,  and  four  bronze 
struck  coins  (p.  61).     Of  these,  No.  101  appears  to  be  similar  to  that  given 


"  Lat.  i.  12.  These  need  not  necessarily 
have  been  coins  of  Olbia,  but  may  have  been 
from  Panticapafam  or  Cyzicus. 

°-  Herod,  iv.  17. 


**  De  Koehne  assigns  them  to  the  bcginuinj 
of  the  fifth  century  or  even  earlier. 
"  Pick,  PI.  viii.  1. 


32 


G.  M.  HIRST 


by  Pick.*^^  It  has  a  head  of  Pallas  on  the  obverse  and  an  owl  on  the  reverse. 
The  two  coins  immediately  above  this  in  Pick's  plate  (Nos.  15  and  10)  seem 
also  to  have  heads  of  Athene ;  the  reverse  type  on  both  appears  to  be  an  owl. 
No.  36  in  Pick  seems  to  be  similar  to  No.  100  in  De  Koehne,  and  to  No.  133 
in  the  Berlin  collection.  The  obverse  of  the  Berlin  coin  shows  a  head 
of  Pallas,  with  a  branch  as  counter-mark  ;  on  the  reverse  is  a  shield  and  lance. 
No.  37  in  Pick  probably  represents  Atliene  also ;  the  reverse  type  is  a 
shield. 

This  is  the  princi[>al  numismatic  evidence  for  the  cult  of  Athene  at 
Olbia;  but  the  famous  medallion  found  in  the  North  Euxiiie  district/'*''  now 
in  the  Hermitage,  and  representing  Athene  Parthenos  may  be  also  mentioned. 
It  probably  came  straight  from  Athens. 

No  place  in  the  North  Euxiue  district  occurs  in  the  register  of  Athene- 
cults  given  by  Farnell,  but  he  says-'^'^ — '  As  in  the  earliest  times  we  find  the 
worship  of  Athena  in  very  various  parts  of  the  Greek  world,  we  can  con- 
clude that  she  was  a  primitive  Hellenic  divinity  of  the  "Achaean  "  period,  and 
originally  worshipped  also  by  the  Dorian  and  Ionic  tribes,  or  adopted  by 
them  in  their  new  settlements.'  And  we  know  that  Athene  was  worshipped 
at  Miletus,  the  mother-city  of  Olbia.'^^  We  should  of  course  expect  to  tind 
Athene  held  in  honour  at  Miletus,  which  prided  itself  on  being  a  colony  of 
Athens,  and  Miletus  in  turn  would  be  very  likely  to  transmit  the  cult  to  its 
own  colony  Olbia,  where  it  would  receive  a  stimulus,  if  any  were  needed 
from  the  commercial  relations  between  Olbia  and  Athens. 

The  Gorgoneion  which  appears  on  Olbian  coins  raises  questions  oi 
considerable  difficulty,  both  in  regard  to  the  type  and  the  deity  with  which 
it  is  connected.  The  story  that  Athene  herself  slew  the  Medusa  is  not  very 
early  in  date ;  Hesiod  does  not  mention  it,  and  Euripides  appears  to  be  the 
tirst  literary  authority  for  it.^'^  Farnell  traces  the  origin  of  the  story  to 
Athene's  interest  in  Perseus.  Furtwiingler  (in  Roscher's  Lexicon)  states 
that  Athene  does  not  appear  on  the  monuments  wearing  the  Gorgoneion 
earlier  than  the  seventh  century,  and  thinks  there  is  no  earlier  liteiary 
evidence  than  this  that  Athene  wore  it  as  a  badge,  or  of  its  use  as  an 
element  of  terror.*^"  Of  course  the  date  for  the  proved  association  of  Athene 
with  the  Gorgon  is  early  enough  to  allow  us  to  regard  the  Gorgoneion  on 
Olbian  coins  as  an  emblem  of  Athene ;  but  another  view  would  associate  it 
with  Apollo.  M.  Homolle,**^  in  an  article  on  a  Gorgon  found  on  the  base  of  a 
statue  at  Delos,  which  he  explains  as  a  simple  diroTpoiraLov,  tliinks  that  a 
close  relation  existed  between  Apollo  and  the  Gorgon,  and  quotes  Homer 
Iliad  XV.  229,  308,  (referring  to  Apollo's  use  of  the  aegis),  and  Macrobius, 
i.  17.  67.     The   latter  author,  in  describing  a  statue  of  Apollo  at  Hierapolis 


«  PI.  X.  17. 

*•  Mxjth.   and   Moniuii.    of  Ancient   Athens, 
Harrison  and  Verrall,  p.  454. 
"  Gk.  Cults,  i   p.  259. 
*8  Herod,  i.  19. 
*•  Jon,  987  d  seq. 


*"  He  regards  the  two  references  to  the  Gor- 
goneion in  the  Iliad,  (xi.  35  6,  v.  741)  as  in- 
terpolations. 

"  Bull.  Corr.  Hell.  xii.  (1888),  p.  471. 
PI.  xii. 


THE  CULTS  OF  OLP.TA. 


33 


says  '  Sunimisquo  ab  humeris  ooiuunoiim  velanjentum  rodimitnm  anguibus 
tegit  scapulas.'  M.  Homolle  remarks  that  the  Gorgon  appears  en  coins  with 
emblems  of  Apollo,  and  cites  as  example  the  dolphin  on  Olbian  coins.  But 
this  seems  hardly  conclusive,  as  it  has  been  already  seen  that  the  dolphin  (or 
tish-type)  occurs  on  coins  of  Olbia  with  deities  other  than  Apollo,  e.g.,  those 
whosp  obverse  type  is  a  head  of  Demeter.  The  question  can  probably  not  be 
decided,  but  the  fact  that  on  the  large  bronze  coins  of  Olbia  the  only  types 
are  Athene  and  the  Gorgon  (including  for  the  moment  the  beautifid  head 
that  appears  on  the  latest  of  the.se  coins)  would  seem  to  be  of  some  weight 
in  guiding  us  to  associate  the  Gorgoneion  on  these  coins  with  Athene  rather 
than    with    Apollo.     If  we    have   been  right  in   laying  stress  on   Athenian 


Fic.  7.     TJi!n\/F.  Coin  or  Oi.r.iA  in  tiik  r>RnisM  ]\ru.SEiTM. 

inll nonce   in   the  adoption  of  Athene   as  a  coin-type  at  Olbia,  this  would  be 
another  indication  in  the  same  direction. 

The  consideration  of  the  type  of  the  Gorgoneion  presents  equal  difHculties. 
It  seems  to  have  been  borrowed  from  the  East  about  the  end  of  the  eighth 
or  beginning  of  the  seventh  century  B.C. ;  the  earliest  example  known  is  a 
l)laque  from  Oameiros  of  the  seventh  century.*'-  The  early  Gorgons  were 
all  of  the  hideous  type,  which  passed  through  a  period  of  transition  befoie  a 
l)eautiful  type  was  elaborated.  A  series  of  bronzes  discovered  on  the 
Acropolis  at  Athens  illustrates  these  changes;  the  middle  type  began  at 
Athens  before  480  b.c.^'^  It  is  found  on  the  Euxine  before  4.50  B.C.  in  the 
valley  of  the  Kuban."-^     This  type  grew  common  in  the  second  half  of  the 


"-  Dareniberg-Saglio,  Fig.  .3633. 
•'•''  Daremb.-Sagl.,  Fig.  3«39. 
H.S. — VOL.  XXIII. 


01 


Coinpfc  Jlcndv,  1877,  PI.  ii.  1,  and  p.  7. 


D 


.14 


(J.  M.  irnisT 


liltli  contiiry.'^'  It  should  bo  iioto<]  t.lint  n  typf'  of  rjor<(ouoion  liko  tliat. 
from  tlie  Kuban  is  found  in  tlio  (-riiuon  down  to  tho  fourth  century/'''^  Golil 
Gorgons  were  found  at  Kortsnh  in  oravos  of  tlio  fifth  rontury.  The  beautiful 
type  of  Gorgon's  head  appears  in  tho  fiftli  rontury,  and  becomes  common 
in  tho  fourtli;  the  cahii  stylo  first,  and  later  the  pathetie.''" 

Notwithstandiug,  however,  the  umloubted  evolution  of  a  more  attraetive 
typo  of  Gorgon,  I  have  never  been  able  to  feel  that  the  beautiful  head  on  the 
coin  given  by  Pick^-^^  can  be  a  Gorgon.  I  was  glad  to  find  that  I  had 
the  support  of  Professor  Percy  Gardner  in  this  view.  He  points  out  (in 
a  private  letter)  that  the  wing  is  wanting.  But  he  has  no  identification 
for  the  type,  though  he  suggests  very  tentatively  a  nymph  (?).  This  suggestion 
seems  well  worth  consideration ;  anyone  who  looks  at  the  various  full-laced 


Fro.  S.— RRoyzK  Coin  op  Olbi.v  in  the  British  Muskim. 

heads  of  nymphs  given  in  Professor  Gardner's  'Types  of  Greek  Coins' 
cannot  fail  to  be  struck  by  the  resemblance  they  bear  to  tlie  head  on  this 
large  coin  of  Olbia.  Examine  first  the  head  of  Arethusa,  bv  the  artist  Cimon. 
on  a  com  of  Syracuse/'^  then  the  nymph  on  a  coin  of  Larissa,"*^  and 
another  on  a  coin  of  Cyzicus."»     Certainly  the  resemblance   between  these 


«•■>  Sep  J.n.S.  xiii.  1892.  p.  236,  Fijr.  4  ;  j.. 
238,  Fig.  10.  (note  that  here  Fig.  4  is  assigncil 
to  the  sixth  eentnry). 

"«  Antiq.  du  Bosp.  Cimm.  PI.  x.\i.  12,  etc. 

«^  An  example  of  the  beantifnl  head,  witliout 
wings,  in  given  in  Compf.r  Remhi,  1S76,  PI.  jM. 
28,  p.  147. 

•^  ?nc.  cU.  PI.   viii.    \.     It  is  given   in  the 


Berlin  Catalogue,  p.  19.  A  spcimen  lias  been 
adtled  to  the  I'ritish  Mnseinn  collection  since 
the  pnblieation  of  the  catalogneofOlbian  coins, 
and  is  given  in  the  accompanying  P'ig.  7. 

«»  Tupra  of  Greek  Coins,  PI.   vi.  22. 

""  ihid.  PI.  vii.  35. 

'•'  ihhl  PI.  X.  46. 


TITK  OUr/rS  OF  OIJUA. 


.•?5 


heads  and  that  (m  the  Olbian  coin  is  close  enough  to  justify  a  tentative 
identification  of  the  latter  as  a  nymph,"-  thus  avoiding  the  (to  my  mind) 
impossible  assignation  of  the  type  to  the  Gorgon.  I  may  quote  the  descrip- 
tion of  the  similar  example  in  the  Berlin  catalogue   No,  2  :— 


Obverse. 


Jierersf 


Female  head  facing,  with  flying  hair     OABIH,"'  Kagle  oii   Dolphin,  1.  head 
and  bead  necklace,  of  good  style.  turned  to  r.   with   outspread    wings. 

^  17i  I  Below^  r  or  similar  letter.'^ 

It  will  at  once  be  noted  that  von  Sallet  in  the  Berlin  catalogue  (published 
1888)  only  describes  this  type  as  a  female  head  :  though  the  year  before  in 
describing  this  coin  '•'  he  calls  it  'a  good  specimen  of  the  very  rare  large  cast 
coins  or  tokens  of  Olbia  with  the  female  head  (Gorgo?)  and  eagle,  of  fine  style ' 
It  seems  fair  to  conclude  from  this  that  in  the  catalogue  von  Sallet  gives  up  his 
doubtful  attribution  of  the  previous  year.  It  is  also  worth  noting  that  he 
puts  this  com  hcfwcen  No.  I,  described  as  follows  (No.  3  in  Pick)  :— 

^^^^''^^-  ■  Reverse. 

APIX   with  eagle  r.  ^yhich  with  out- 
stretched   wings   stands    on    dolphin. 

M  17.V. 


Gorgoneion  facing,  of  archaic   style, 
with  tongue  protruded.'*' 

and  No.  3  (No.  2  in  Pick):— 

Ohrersr. 

G<»rgoneion   facing,  of  archaic   style, 
with  tongue   protruded. 


Reverse. 
APIX   in  the  open  spaces  of  a  wheel 
with  four  spokes. 

(Nos.  4  12  are  smaller  coins,  with  more  or  less  similar  types.) 

If  this  arrangement  is  to  be  regarded  as  chronological  (an  uncertain 
p(»int,  from  the  scarcity  of  dates  in  the  catalogue,  already  alluded  to),  then 
surely  the  attribution  of  the  type  to  the  Gorgon  becomes  impossible,  or  at 
least  improbable.  It  is  unlikely  that  two  heads  of  such  wholly  ditiferent 
types  could  be  in  circulation  at  the  same  moment  in  the  same  city,  and 
be  recognized  as  representing  the  same  object.  It  should  be  noted' that 
tlie  Berlin  catalogue  describes  a  coin  which  does  not  appear  in  Pick's 
illustrations  (No.  13): — 


Obverse. 

Gorgoneion,  tongue  not  protruded,  of 
old  style. 

No.  14  is  similar. 


Reverse. 
0.\  .  I      Eagle  with  raised  wings  on 
dolphin,!.  iE  11. 


"-  On   the   coins   bearing  full-face   heads  of  coin    as    '  Tete    de    Me'duse,    d'nn   style   i>lus 

Nymphs,    the   representatives  of  a  very  large  moderne  et  avec  nne  belle  expression. ' 

class,  see  Gardner,  loc.  cit.  p.  1.54.  75  Zcitschr.  f.  Num.  xiv.  1887,  p.  5. 

^^  Note  the  ocenrrence  of  the  town-name  in  '^  Cp.  similar  coin  (not  the  same)  in  ai-com- 

this  form.  panying  Fig.  8. 

"•  De  Koehne(p.  35,  No.  6)  describes  a  similar 

I)   2 


30 


O.  M.   TTTRST 


All  tho  abovo-montionc*!  coins  arc  larifo  bronzo  cast  pieces.  Ono  other 
coin,  a  silver  one  of  rather  hiter  perioil,  is  thus  .lescribed  in  the  Berlin  cata- 
logue, N.>.  3(1 : — 

Gortjon's     head     facinJ,^     apparently      OABIO    over   a    dolphin,    I.       11.1. tw 


without    protruded    tongue. 


KPI 


.K  ± 


Note  also  that  De  Koehne"^  assifnis  this  coin  to  the  heiiinninir  of  the 
third  century  (which  is  not  very  .litferent  from  the  date  one  would  conjecture 
from  its  position  in  the  Berlin  catalogue).  Does  not  this  add  to  the  difficulty 
of  reganling  the  beautiful  head  oji  tlie  bronze  coin,  which  is  almost  certainly 
of  earlier  date,  as  a  Gorgon  ? 


Zcits. 

The  consideration  of  the  cult  of  Zeus  at  Olbia  must  not  be  defeirod 
longer.  At  Olbia  it  seems  essential  to  take  A[)ollo  first,  and  Demeter  has 
a  claim  to  the  second  position,  and  then  it  is  most  convenient  to  treat  of  the 
otlier  female  deities  in  close  connection  ;  so  that  this  seems  the  place  where 
Zeus  may  properly  be  considered.  Farnell'''  may  be  referred  to  for  some 
general  remarks  as  to  the  absence  from  the  monuments  of  Zens  of  distinctive 
cult-attributes,  for  his  cult  was  Hellenic  pre-eminently,  and  not  local.  8o 
we  do  not  expect  to  have  at  Olbia  titles  of  such  special  interest  in  the  case  of 
Zeus  as  in  that  of  some  other  gods,  though  there  is  at  any  rate  one  strikintj 
exception  in  the  case  of  Zeus  ^0\/3ioq. 

The  first  Olbian  inscription  which  bears  the  name  of  Zeus  is  Lat.  i.  12,  a 
decree  granting  1000  goM  pieces  and  a  statue  to  Kallinikos  the  son  of 
Euxenos  ^dated  by  Latyschev  in  the  fourth  century  B.C.)  which  ends  :  6  Sijfio^ 
Aa  '^(OTrjpi.  The  name  of  Zeus  Xcot/jp  also  occurs  in  two  other  inscriptions 
of  Olbia,  but  one  ^"  is  of  the  second  century  after  CMirist,  and  the  other ''^  is 
a  mere  fragment. 

Lat.  i.  01  is  a  dedication  to  Zeus  'Zforrjp  by  a  private  individual  of 

evxapKTTtjpiop  virep  eip^vr^f;  koX  (TmTrjpia<i 
T»;<?  7rd\ew9. 

With  this  may  be  compared  an  inscription  from  Chersoncsus"^- (second 
century  after  ( 'hrist)  where  some  one  whose  name  is  lost 

TO   T6t^09   0)lKoB6firja€V  €K  TMV  iBlCOV 

Ad  2.(0Trjpt,  virep  kavrov  Koi  rt]<i  TroXeaxt 


^  la  this  tlip  same  ooin  as  Pick's  example, 
PI.  X.  10  '. 
""  fJiven  by  De  Koehne,  Inc.  n'f.  j.   42  Xo.  .3, 
*9  Gk.  Cult.'*,  i.  p.   121,  61. 


""  Lat.  i.  01. 
s'  Lat.  i.  92. 
»*-  Lit.  i.  202. 


THE  CULTS  OF  OLBIA. 


37 


There  is  one  from  Panticapaeum  ^^  where  the  name  of  Zeus  tayTT^p  is 
jouied  with"Hpa  t<^Tecpa;^*  it  is  of  the  imperial  period,  and  the  dedication 
IS  made 

VTTep  /3ao-f\t'G)9  Teipdvov  peUrj'i.^'' 

There  is  a  fragmentary  inscription  of  the  third  century  B.C.  to  Zeus 
'EXevOepio^,^  a  well-known  cult-title  of  Zeus,  though  not  occurring  else- 
where in  the  North  Euxine  district. 

The  name  of  Zeus  BaaiXev^  occurs  in  an  inscription  given  by  Latyschev  S' 
and  assigned  by  him  to  the  third  century  B.C.  :— 

[o  BPjfxo^]  Evpyjo-i^iov  ArjfiijTpi'ov  Au  BaaiXei 
[qppeT/;?]  €v€Kev  kul  evvoia^  rfj^  et?  avrov.^ 

A  tower  is  dedicated  to  Zeus  UoXidp^r}<{  in  an  inscription  given  by 
Latyschev,^"  assigned  by  him  to  tlie  second  century  after  Christ.  Farnell  '-^^ 
says  '  (?)  third  century  B.C."  without  explaining  his  reason  for  the  date. 
This  is  the  only  instance  he  gives  of  this  title,  but  the  cognate  one  of  Zeus 
IJoXievf  occui-s  in  many  places,  notably  at  Athens.  The  cult  expressed  the 
union  of  the  State. 

Perhaps,  how^ever,  the  most  interesting  title  of  Zeus  for  the  present 
enquiry  is  that  of  "OX^^o?,  which  occurs  in  an  inscription  given  by  Latyschev  '-^^ 
and  assigned  by  him  to  the  reign  of  Septimius  Severus,  193-211  a.d.  It  is 
a  decree  in  honour  of  Kallisthenes, 

iepev<i  Be  yev6fji€vo<;  rov  TrpoeaTwro^  rrj<; 
TroXew?  ijfiMv  Oeov  Ato?  'OX^iov. 


92 


This  title  receives  rather  curious  treatment  from  Farnell.  He  says 
'  Not  only  was  Zeus  the  guardian  of  kingship,  but  also  the  protector  of  the 
family  property,  and  worshipped  as  Zeus  Kr7J(rio<}  ....  This  worship  was 
especially  Attic;  we  find  the  similar  cults  of  Zeus  UXovaiof  in  Sparta 
(Pans.  iii.  10.  7)  and  Zeus  "OXySto?  in  Cilicia.'  For  this  latter  he  quotes  an 
inscription,  circa  200  B.C.,  given  by  Canon  Hicks  -.—^ 

All   OX^i'fp  i€pev<i  TevKpo*;  TapKvdpio^. 

But  this  is  apparently  explained  by  Canon  Hicks  himself  as  referring  to 
the  priest-kings  of  Olha,  and  rather  as  a  local  than  descriptive  epithet.     The 


"»  I^t.  ii.  29. 

•*  <'|..  ilio  ilc.litatioii  to  Atliene  5wT€j/)a  at 
Chersoucsus,  lourtli  century  im  .,  Lat.  iv.  82. 

^■■*  Note  that  Farmll  doc«  not  quote  any  of 
the  above  inscriptions  in  his  geographical 
register. 

«"  Lat.  iv.  458. 
•'  i.  105. 

'"  For  other  relereuces  to  cult  ol  Zeus  fiavi- 


Kivs,  sec  I'aiily-Wissowa,  Rml.-Encycl.  iii. 
|>.  82,  and  especially  Mr.  CtrcenweH's  article, 
J. U.S.  vol.  ii.  p.  78. 

^"  Lat.  i.  101. 

•'"  Gk.  CtcJf.s,  i.  p.  1G1. 

"^  Lat.  i.  21 . 

"-'  ai:  CvlLs,  i.  p.  r-'K 

=•3  J.i/.,S'.  18ia,p.  22G. 


$8 


G.  M.  ttTRSf 


TFfR  CULTS  OF  OLBIA. 


39 


only  other  reference  given  by  Faruell  (he  does  not  mention  this  inscription 
from  Olbia  at  all)  is  C.IXt.  2017,  a  decree  froai  the  Thracian  Chersonese: — 

KaWt<7T0<?  virep  rov  viov  ' AXe^dvSpov  Ad 
6\^ifp  €V)(apiaTy')piov. 

on  which  Boeckh's  comment  is  'Zei/?  6\  ^  lo  <i  non  notns.'  In  this  hxst- 
mentioned  inscription  it  would  seem  natural  to  consider  oXl3io<i  as  a  de- 
scriptive epithet,  and  justifiable  to  compare  it  with  KTtjaio^;  but  surely  at 
both  Olbia  and  Olba  it  must  be  primarily  a  local  epithet,  with  no  doubt  a 
play  upon  the  meaning  of  the  word.  Preller-Robert  ^^  say.  in  commenting 
on  Lat.  i.  24,  '  Zeu?  "0\/8to9  seems  to  be  the  city  god  of  Olbia.'  This 
again  can  hardly  be  correct  in  the  ordinary  meaning  of  the  term ;  we  have 
seen  that  Apollo  was  the  regular  civic  deity  of  Olbia ;  it  would  seem  to  be 
more  e.xact  to  say :  "OXySto?,  a  name  under  which  Zeus  was  worshipped  at 
Olbia.»' 

The  above  titles  of  Zeus  are  all  that  occur  in  Olbian  inscriptions,  but 
one  from  Neapolis  ^®  may  also  be  quoted  : — 

Ad  'ATa^vpiwL  Ilo(TiBeo<i  UoaiBeov  ^apLar/jpiov. 

This  Posideos  is  no  doubt  the  same  man  who  made  the  dedication  to 
Aphrodite  \Lv7r\oia  at  Olbia.  Atabyron  was  a  mountain  in  Rhodes  e|  ov  6 
Zevv  'Ara^vpiof;  (Steph.  Byz.).  Athene  was  worshipped  with  Zeus  Atabyiios 
at  Agrigentum.^"     Preller-Robert  '^  quote  Pindar,  Ot.  vii.  87  : — 

Zev  Trdrep  v(oToiaLv  'AraySuptou  ^eBetov. 

The  coins  of  Olbia  whicli  have  Zeus  as  type  are  neither  very  numerous 
nor  very  interesting.  The  tirst  given  by  Pick  is  Plate  xi.  No.  3,  apparently 
the  same  coin  as  No.  125  in  the  Berlin  catalogue.  On  the  obverse  is  a 
laureate  head  of  Zeus ;  on  the  reverse  is  a  sceptre  ending  like  a  spear  below, 
ab*)ve,  in  a  lily  (or  lotus  ?). 

This  reverse  type  is  rather  curiously  described  by  l)e  Koehne '"'  as 
■  Fleche,  la  pointe  en  bas,'  but  the  object  certainly  does  not  much  resemble 
an  arrow  in  Pick's  plate.  De  Koehne  also  says  that  the  coin  probably 
represents  Zeus  Soter,  but  gives  no  reason  for  the  identification.  Nos.  12(i, 
127,  in  the  Berlin  catalogue  are  similar;  it  is  to  be  assumed  from  their 
arrangement  both  here  and  in  Pick  that  they  are  of  somewhat  late  date. 
The  next  coin  given  by  Pick  i"*'  has  a  very  fine  head  of  Zeus  as  the  obverse 
type,  and  on  the  reverse  an  eagle  with  outspread  wings,  both  apparently  in 


»*  (<?r.  Myth.)  I-.  .^67. 

**  See  Brif.  Mus.  C*fL  qf  Coins,  Lycauiiia, 
p.  Ivi.  note,  "OA/JioT,  a  well-known  epithet  of 
Zens,  would  mean  0  ■  tlit-  god  of  prosperity,  (2) 
the  god  of  Olba,'  [or  in  this  tasii-  «>f  OlbiaJ. 
'  The  abstract  idea  of  prosperity  is  ropivsentod 
by  the  concrete  god  Zeus  Olbios.'  The  coins 
of  Olba  with   throne  and  thunderbolt  of  Zeus 


Olbios  date  probably   at    the  end  of  the  first 
century  B.r.  and  the  beginning  of  the  next. 

"«  Lat.  i.  242. 

""   V'elcker,  (,'r.   'J.  ii.  282,  I'olyb.  xi.  27. 

"»  Gr.  yhtth.  i.'  136. 

"»  hu:  cit.  p.  59. 

'""  I'l.  .xi.  4. 


rather  high  relief.  Coin  No.  o  is  similar  to  (though  not  the  same  as)  No. 
63  in  the  Berlin  Catalogue,  which  only  differs  from  Pick's  coin  in  having  a 
caduceus  as  counter-mark  on  the  cheek  of  Zeus,  whose  head  is  the  obverse 
type.  The  reverse  type  is  an  eagle.  Coin  No.  (5  shows  the  caduceus  in  front 
of  the  head  of  Zeus.  Several  Imperial  coins  representing  Zeus  seated  are 
described  by  De  Koehne,  but  only  one  ^^^  appears  in  Pick's  plates.^*^-  On  the 
obverse  is  a  seated  figure  holding  a  sceptre,  on  the  reverse  a  standing  figure 
of  Fortune,  with  a  liorn  of  plenty  and  a  rudder.  Perhaps  the  sceptre  causes 
De  Koehne  to  identify  the  type  as  Zeus :  it  is  described  as  Apollo  in  the 
Berlin  catalogue  (No.  134).i»'' 

Hermes. 

Hermes  may  be  considered  next,  as  he  appears  both  in  inscriptions  and 
on  coins  of  Olbia.  Hermes  and  Apollo  were  often  worshipped  side  by  side, 
as  a  brother-pair — Apollo  as  mouthpiece  and  prophet  of  Zeus,  Hermes  as 
his  outstretched  right  hand  :  and  so  the  two  stood  together  in  streets  and 
before  doors— Apollo  as  'Ayviev^,  Hermes  as  'EvoBio^}"^^  So  we  should  expect 
to  find  some  testimony  to  the  cult  of  Hermes  at  Olbia,  where  Apollo  held 
such  a  high  position.  He  was  tlie  god  of  trade,  markets,  and  commerce, 
l)oth  by  land  and  sea  ;  therefore  a  statue  of  Hermes  'Ayopalo^  (whom  we  shall 
find  mentioned  in  two  Olbian  inscriptions)  stood  in  the  market-place  of  every 
important  town. 

The  earliest  inscription  found  at  Olbia  referring  to  Hermes  is  of  the 
third  century  B.c.,i^^  and  begins  : 

[Nt«o3/)o]/A09  ALovvaiov  [yv/jivaa]iapxw^^ 
[top  vl]6v  (?)  AiovvaLov  'E/oyLt[r;t]  koX   WpaKXel. 

This  would  appear  to  be  a  dedication  to  Hermes  in  his  character  of  dytovio'i.^^'''' 
Hermes  Agoraios  was  the  god  to  whom  the  aediles  {dyopavofxct)  of 
Olbia  made  offerings.  Two  of  these  dedicatory  inscriptions  have  come  down 
to  us.'-"  It  is  worth  while  to  quote  Latyscliev's  description  of  the  carving 
above  the  first  of  these  inscriptions  :  '  Super  titulo  Fortunae  rota  incisa  est, 
infra  manu  admodum  rudi  Mercurii  protome,  dextra  marsupium  tenentis, 
sinistra  caduceum,  utrimque  foliola  e  quibus  id,  cpiod  ad  dextram  spectanti 
est,  caput  humanum  in  medio  incisum  habet.'  The  end  of  the  in.scription 
may  be  quoted — after  the  names  of  tlic  dyopavo/xoc : — 

'Ep/Jbfj  ^ Ay opaiwi  dvWtjKav  Net'/c?/z;  dpyvpeav 
vTvep  ri]<i  TroXeo)?  ev<TTa6ia<;  kol  rrj^ 
eavTWv  vyela<i. 


i"!  Dc  Koehne,  /of.  cit.  p.  88. 

>"•■«  PI.  xi.  22. 

'"••  If  the  attributiuu  to  Zens  is  acceptcil, 
might  it  bt^  considered  as  a  representation  of 
Zeus 'OA/Sios,  in  consideration  of  the  reverse 
type  { 


m  ivUer-Koboit,  Gr.  Miiih.  i'.  3!<.".. 

1"'  Lat.  iv.  15lt. 

'""  For  references  to  otlur  places  where 
Hermes  and  Heracles  appear  to^'cther,  sic 
Preller-llobert,  i.  p.  415.  n.  1. 

^"'  Lat.  i.  75.  7tj. 


40 


G.  M.  HIRST 


The  second  inscription  only  ditfeis  in  the  names  of  the  archon  and  dyopa- 
vofioi.     Both  are  of  quite  late  period. 

Two  coins  representing  Hermes  are  given  by  Pick ;  ^^^  there  are  none  in 
the  Berlin  collection.  Both  of  Pick's  coins  have  a  head  of  Hermes  wearing 
a  petasos  as  obverse  type,  but  the  heads  are  quite  different.  No.  32  is  very 
badly  struck  ;  if  the  coin  were  divided  into  four  quarters,  the  head  would  till 
little  more  than  the  lower  quarter  at  the  left ;  the  petasos  is  much  flatter, 
and  more  distinct  than  in  No.  33.  No.  33  has  also  a  branch  as  counter- 
mark behind  the  head.     Both  these  coins  have  a  winged  caduceus  as  reverse 

There  is  another  coin  which  may  be  referred  to  here,  that  of  the  Scythian 
king  Inismeus,  given  by  Pick,'""  with  a  turreted  female  head  (Tyche  of 
Olbia)  as  reverse  type.  It  is  described  by  De  Koehne  ^^^  as  having  a 
bearded  head  of  Hermes  on  the  obverse,  but  the  type  has  none  of  the 
characteristics  of  Hermes,  and  it  is  more  likely  to  be  a  portrait  of  the 
king  Inismeus.  De  Koehne  assigns  this  coin  to  the  period  of  the  recon- 
struction of  Olbia,  /  €.,  between  60  B.C.  and  193  A.D. 


Poseidmi. 


Strictly  speaking,  Poseidon  can  hardly  claim  to  be  considered  as  having 

a  cult  at  Olbia  at  all,  as  no  inscriptions  bear  Ids  name,  and  it   is  doubt  fid 

whether  he  is  represented  on  the  coins.     However,  there  is  an  interesting 

inscription  from  Panticapaeum,^^^    in    whicli   MavraXiwv   vavap-^o^  makes  a 

dedication 

Tio<Ttho)VL  S&>0'ti/fc'[a>]t  Kal  '\<f)pohiTi]t  ^avap^iBi, 

on  which  Latyschev's  comment  is, — '  Dei  ot  deae  epitheta,  ([uau  in  titulo 
leguntur,  luimum  hie  videntur  innotuisse.'  This  connection  of  Poseidon  with 
Aphrodite  has  already  been  referred  to  under  Aphrodite  EvirXoia. 

De  Koehne  ^^'-  gives  two  coins  which  he  considers  represent  Poseidon. 
The  first  (No.  43)  he  describes  as  follows  : — 


Obirrse. 
Tete  de  Poseidon. 


Ecvcrsc. 
Hache,  Ooryte,  Carquois. 


He  admits,  however,  that  the  head  miglit  be  identified  as  Zeus.  But  surely 
the  presence  of  the  battle-axe  and  bow  in  case  on  the  reverse  makes  its 
identification  iis  the  Borysthenes  more  likely.'^^ 

The  other  coin  quotetl  by  De  Koehne  (No.  44)  appears  to  be  that  given 
by  Pick  (PI.  ix.  '24).     It  is  thus  described  by  De   Koehne  : — 


"*  VI  X.  a2.  33.   ScealsuDc  Kuclinc,  Iw.  cil. 
i.  1'.  6t). 

'"^  I'l.  xii.  9. 
""  loc.  cit.  i.  71. 


*'*  Lat.  ii.  25. 
"-'  loc.  cit.  \K  44.  A'k 

"^  This  is  appait'iilly  the  oiii  j^iveuby  Tick, 
PI.  ix.  32. 


THE  CULTS  OF  OLBIA. 


41 


Obverse.  Reverse. 

Tete  de  Poseidon,  a  gauche.  OABL     Dauphin,  a  gauche,  en    has, 

.    4)0. 

If  it  were  not  for  the  dolphin  on  the  reverse,  this  head  might  easily  be 
taken  for  the  river-god,  (and  indeed  this  attribution  is  suggested  in  the 
Berlin  catalogue,  No.  66)  as  the  forehead,  where  the  horns  would  come,  is 
indistinct.  But  as  the  series  of  Borysthenes  coins  has  a  battle-axe  and  bow 
m  case  as  reverse  type,  it  seems  possible  to  assign  this  head  to  Poseidon. 
His  cult  would  be  likely  to  be  of  some  importance  as  Olbia,  both  because  it 
was  a  maritime  town,  and  because  in  Ionia  the  worship  of  Poseidon  held  a 
chief  place.^^^ 


Diom/sus 


There  is  no  doubt  about  the  right  of  Dionysus  to  a  place  among  the 
cult-deities  of  Olbia,  as  we  have  Herodotus'  "'•  authority  for  the  fact  of  the 
celebration  of  his  mysteries  there,  for  through  this  came  about  the  death  of 
the  Scythian  king  Scyles. 

Also  there  is  an  inscription  referring  to  the  Dionysia  at  Olbia,  the  decree 
in  honour  of  Kallinikos  "*^  already  referred  to,  which  concludes:— 

TOP  oe  are<j)avov  ai'ayopevOrjvai 
Toi<i  AiovvaLoif  iv  TWt   OeUTpCbH. 

This  decree  is  assigned  by  Latyschev  to  the  fourth  century  B.C.  The  name 
ot  Dionysus  also  occurs  in  two  Panticapaemn  inscriptions.'^"  The  latter  is 
especially  interesting  ;  it  consists  of  the  words, 

AlOVV(T(i)[l] 

'AjpeicoL 

This  title  of  Dionysus  was  only  known  before  from  an  Orjihic  hynni  (30.  4) ; 
Latyscliev  dates  the  inscription,  (which  was  found  in  1892),  in  the  fourth 
century  B.C. 

It  is  I3erhaps  surprising  that  Dionysus  does  not  appear  on  Olbian  coins  ; 
but  on  the  vase-paintings  found  in  this  region  Dionysus  and  Ariadne  and 
kindred  subjects  are  of  frequent  occurrence.^i^ 


"*  Aiiioiij,'  otliiT  icloiciiccs  may  Ik;  given 
Herod,  i.  148,  Pans.  vii.  24.  .'»,  (Frazci's  iiote\ 
Mitth.  d.  Arch.  Idat.  10.  (1885t,  p  :J2,  ItuH. 
Con:  Hell.  13.  (1889>,  p.  279. 

'"*  Herod,  iv.  78,  79. —an  iuipoitaiit  pabsagr- 
in  many  ways,  illu.strating  as  it  docs  the  higli 
degree  of  Greek  civilization  attained  at  Olbia, 
and  tlio  impre.ssion  it  produced  on  the  Scythian 
king.     Kawliusou  {ad.  loc.)  wiys,  •  The  JMilesian 


cohjnist.s  seem  to  have  carried  the  worship  ot 
the   Phrygian    Bacchus    (Sabaziu.s)    tu    Olbia. 
HciRC  Olbia  itself  was  called  Sai8/a  or  Sou/a, 
(Peripl.  P.  Eux.  p.  151)'— surely  anio.stinipinb 
able  derivation. 

"«  Lat.  i,  12. 

''•'  Lat.  ii.  18,  iv.  199. 

"'  Comptc  Btndu  (pas-tiin)  and  Aiitiq.  Bosp. 
Cimm.  c.ij.  PI.  Ix. 


43 


G.  M.   HTRST 


Ares. 


The  claim  of  Ares  to  a  place  in  this  <Hsciission  is  doubtful.  We  have 
the  well-known  passage  of  Herodotus,"'-*  already  referred  to, — the  temple  of 
brushwood  and  tlie  worship  of  the  ancient  sword.  But  in  the  first  place  it 
is  by  no  means  certain  that  this  was  a  worship  of  Ares  at  all ;  it  sounds  much 
more  like  a  savage  sword-worship  ;  and  in  the  second,  even  if  it  were  proved 
that  Ares  was  a  special  object  of  cult  among  the  Scythians,  it  would  still 
not  follow  that  such  was  the  case  at  Olbia  also.  Nor  arc  there  any  Olbiaii 
inscriptions  which  refer  to  Ares. 

However,  there  is  some  numismatic  evidence  for  the  cult.  Three  conis 
are  given  in  the  Berlin  catalogue  (Nos.  136-138),  with   a  standing  figure  of 


THE  CULTS  OF  OLBIA. 


43 


Fi®.  9. — Bronze  Coin  <>k  Oliua  in  hie  Beklix  Mu-skum. 

Ares  as  a  reverse  type.     The  first  of  these  coins,  No.  136,  is  reproduced  hero 
(Fig.  9).^"-'^'     The  reverse  is  thus  described  in  the  Berlin  catalogue : — 

OABIOn  OA€ITCjl)N.       Ares,  standing,  r.,  left  hand  leaning  on  lance. 
A  in  field  to  left. 

There  is  a  bust  of  Geta  on  the  obverse  ;  the  other  two  Berlin  coins  are 
similar.  This  coin  De  Koehue  ^-^  thinks  represents  the  temple-statue  of 
Achilles  Pontarches,  but  there  does  not  seem  any  ground  for  the  assignation. 
Another  coin  given  by  Pick,^--  which  does  not  appear  in  the  Berlin  catalogue, 
is  also  assigned  to  Achilles  by  De  Koehne,  but  the  figure,  which  is  standing 
and  holding  a  lance,  seems  more  likely  to  be  Ares.  It  looks  like  the  cojiy  of 
an  archaic  statue.  The  reverse  type  of  this  coin  is  a  caducous.  These  coins 
are  all  of  late  jieriod. 

Melius. 

There  is  some  very  interesting  numismatic  evidence  for  the  existence 
of  this  cult  at  Olbia.  Coin  No.  114^-^  in  the  Berlin  Catalogue  is  thus 
described  : — 


Olwcrse. 
Head  of  Helios,  facing,  with  rays. 

jK  5. 


Itccersc. 
OA    above    two    fore-parts  of   horses 
set  back  to  back. 


^'»  Herod,  iv.  .59,  62. 

'■-'"  The  cast  from  wbkli  tlii.s  i»lu»t(>giaiili  wan 
madp,  was  obtained  through  the  kindness  of 
Dr.  H.  Dressel,  of  the  Royal  Museum  at  Cerliii, 
as  were  others  refened  to  below. 


It  aj.pears  in  Pick's  plates  (.\ii.  i.). 
'••*'  Lm:  rif.  i.  \k  84. 
'-*•■!  PI.  xi.  21. 
•-'3  Nos.   115,  116  are  similar. 


This  coin  is  given  by  Pick  ;  ^-*  it  is  apparently  of  rather  early  date.  Von 
Sallet  comments  that  these  coins  show  traces  of  the  rise  of  another  type  at 
Olbia.  De  Koehne  i'^-'  also  describes  them,  and  .says  that  they  are  the  only 
record  we  have  of  a  cult  of  Heli(»s  here.i^c  He  thinks  that  this  cult  was 
introduced  from  Sinope  to  Olbia ;  as  a  coin  of  Sinope  ^'-'  has  a  liead  of 
Helios,  and  on  another  coin  a  head  with  ^INan[EnN]  between  the  rays 
occurs  as  counter-mark.^-'^  It  would  seem  more  probable  that  the  worship 
was  introduced  from  Rhodes,i-^  the  special  home  of  the  cult  of  Helios.  We 
have  an  apparent  instance  of  the  intimate  relations  between  the  two  states 
at  a  rather  later  period  in  the  inscriptions  set  up  by  Posideos  which  have 
been  so  often  referred  to.  Another  proof  of  the  commercial  intercourse 
between  Rhodes  and  Olbia  is  the  fact  that  jar-handles  have  been  found  near 
the  latter  city  stamped  with  the  name  of  Rhodes  i^^*^  as  these,  however, 
have  been  found  in  almost  every  part  of  the  Greek  world,  the  argument  from 
them  cannot  be  pressed. 

There  are  no  Olbian  inscriptions  which  show  the  name  of  Helios,  but 
there  is  one  from  Panticapaeum  ^^^  of  late  period,  and  one  from  Gorgippia,i=^- 
of  41  A.D.,  both  of  which  relate  to  the  manumission  of  slaves.  In  each  of 
these  the  same  formula  occurs. — 

VTTO  Ala,  Vrjv,  "HXlov. 

For  this  formula  Latyschev '-^^  compares  an  inscription  from    Thermae  in 
Aetolia,^=^*  which  also  refers  to  the  manumission  of  a  slave. 


The  Dioscuri. 

Head  *=^^  says  that  the  worship  of  the  Dioscuri  was  very  prevalent  on 
the  shores  of  the  Euxine.  We  have  two  pieces  of  evidence  for  the  existence 
of  the  cult  at  Olbia.  One  is  a  uuirble  tablet,  on  which  is  a  fragmentary 
inscription  of  the  third  or  second  century  J5.c.i=^'''  Above  the  inscrii>tion 
are  the  two  caps  of  the  Dioscuri,  and  half  a  star,  with  apparently  the  remains 
of  another  half.  The  other  is  a  coin,  given  by  Pick  (PI.  X.  31;,  of  which 
there  are  two  examples  in  the  Berlin  Catalogue  (No.  67,  68).  The  reverse 
Of  this  coin  shows  a  dolphin  between  the  caps  of  the  Dioscuri,  and  above  a 


•-^  PI.  ix.  31. 

'-3  loc.cif.  ]».  58,  59. 

'•-•«  Note  that  the  IJerliii  catalogue  gives  a 
eoiii.  No.  \i2,  with  Heracles  as  a  icversc  type,  aud 
'  over  the  head  a  small  round  eniintpr-mark  with 
youthful  Helios-head  with  rays," 

127  Miounet.  Suppl.  iv.  p.  574,  131. 

'•*  British  Museum  Catalogue,  '  Poiitus,'  PI. 
xxii.  15  (date  cm-a.  li.c.  290-250). 

'23  Hut  note  the  possible  adoption  from  Si- 
nope of  the  eagle  standing  on  fish,  as  reverse 
type,  referred  to  under  Demetcr. 


!*•  Pnichsenschutz,  Bcsitz  und  Encerh,  p. 
422-4.  See  Inscr.  Gra^c.  lasvl.  Maris  Aoj. 
i.  p.  175,  (appendi.v  on  Hhodian  jai-handles), 
also  an  exhaustive  article  by  Becker,  (Mi'lawjoi 
Grdcu-Mvin.  vol.  i.  p.  416). 

'«  Lat.  ii.  54. 

'"  Lai.  ii.  100. 

'"  i.  98. 

'•"  Dittenbcrger,  Sijll.  ii.  837  (2nd  edit). 

'•■'•'''  Historia  Numorum,  p.  235,  (under  Istros). 

"«  Latyschev,  i.  18,  C./.G^.  ii.  add.  p.  1000. 
No.  2083.  b. 


44 


O.  M.  HIRST 


large  star.  De  Koelme  ^^"  explains  the  dolphin  as  emblematic  of  the  con- 
nection of  the  Dioscuri  with  the  sea  as  the  protectors  of  mariners.  He 
gives  several  coins  of  Panticapaeum  which  bear  their  symbols;  they  also 
appear  very  frequently  on  the  coins  of  Tanais,  and  of  Dioscurias  in  Colchis* 
From  their  connection  with  navigation,  too  well  known  to  re(|uire  illustration, 
we  should  naturally  expect  to  Hnd  a  cult  of  the  Dioscuri  at  Olbia,  and  the 
marble  and  the  coin  supply  sufficient  confirmatory  evidence. 

The  Cahiri. 

Tlie  Cabiri  must  be  taken  next  to  the  Dioscuri,  in  view  of  their  close 
relationship.  A  very  interesting  inscription  relating  to  this  cult  at  Olbia 
was  discovered  in  1807.^^**  It  is  on  a  base  of  white  marble,  and  is  assigned 
by  Lalyschev  to  the  second  century  B.C.     It  is  as  follows : — 

*Ei7nKpuTt]{lf)    N</c>;p«Toi> 
Tov  Oelov 
deol^i  TOL<;  iv  %a/j.o6pdiKr)[i^ 
leprjadfievov. 

Tliis  is  the  only  mention  of  the  cult  of  the  Cabiri  at  Olbia,  and  apj)arcntly 
in  the  whole  North  Euxine  district,  so  it  is  of  special  importance.  A  cult  of 
the  Cabiri  at  Miletus  is  known,^*'  apparently  in  the  temple  of  the  Didy- 
maean  Apollo,  and  it  may  have  come  to  Olbia  from  the  mother  city ;  or 
direct  from  Samothrace,  as  the  form  of  the  inscription  (^eot?  toU  ev  "^ajjio- 
OpdiKril^i])  would  suggest.  We  have  seen  that  Demeter,.  Hermes,  and 
Dionysus,  and  possibly  the  Dio.scuri,  were  all  objects  of  cult  at  Olbia,  and  as 
these  deities  were  bound  up  with  the  Samothracian  worship  it  is  natural 
that  a  cult  of  the  Cabiri  should  be  found  there  also. 


A  sliepios. 

There  are  two  pieces  of  evidence  for  the  existence  of  a  cult  of  Asklepios 
at  Olbia.  The  first  is  merely  incidental, — the  reference  in  the  Protogenes 
ilecree  ^^'^  to  tov  [irvpyov]  'EiriSavpiov,  from  which  it  has  been  supi>osed  that 
there  was  a  temple  of  Asklepios  near  by,  which  gave  its  name  to  the  tower. 
The  other, — the  bas-relief  found  at  Olbia,  and  referred  to  by  De  Koehne^" — 
is   more    important.     Mr.  Rouse "-   conjecturally  suggests  that  the   seated 


'•''  loc.  cit.  i».  57. 

^'■^  Lat.  iv.  27.  Xott-  that  Iiiilvs.lit.v  ihinks 
theabstnceortlu- (i')  in  the 'Jiid.  lineis  Ihc^toiic- 
tutter's  error,  as  it  would  bv  uuuiiual  for  the 
uncle's  name  to  Ik;  omitted. 

'«•  C'./.'r'.  2882. 

'*>  Lat.  i.  It),  i;.  It). 


'*'  /ijc.  cil.  \h  7.  The  relief  is  <^ivcn  l-y 
lU'iirov  Rcchcrchcs  .siir  hs  ^ln(i'/nite.s  ilc  h 
nns-sic  iniriiliondlr.  12U,  Taf.  lu. 

'*-'  'hick  Vvtii'c  (jjTeiinijs,  p.  20.  Mr.  House 
i.s  here  following  the  author  of  the  article  Heros 
in  Roschcr'rt  Lexicon  (i.  2571),  who  suggests  the 
attribution  of  the  relief  to  Achille.s. 


THE  CULTS  OF  OLBIA. 


45 


ligure  in  this  relief  is  Achilles.  Rut  an  examination  seems  to  make  this 
impossible;  on  the  wall  hangs  the  representation  of  a  human  trunk,^*-' 
apparently  dedicated  as  a  votive  ottering.  This  is  surely  decisive  in  favour 
of  regarding  Asklepios  as  the  subject  of  the  relief.  ITvaiov  considered 
this  relief  as  the  most  important  work  of  the  kintl  found  at  Olbia.  These 
two  items  of  evidence  seem  enough  to  make  good  the  claim  of  Asklepios  to 
a  place  among  the  cult  deities  of  Olbia,  which  his  close  comiection  with 
Apollo  would  make  probable  even  without  such  direct  testimony. 

We  have  two  inscriptions  from  the  Euxine  district  referring  to 
Asklepios;  one,  of  Roman  period,  from  Chersonesus,"*  directs  that  a  copy  of 
the  decree  shall  be  placed 

iv  TMt  lepMi  TOV  ^A(TK\ainov. 

The  other  is  from  Panticapaeum,"''  and  may  be  quoted  in  full. 

HcfiS  ^Ao-kXtjitim  (TCOTrjpi  Kol  evepycTTj 
TYjv  TpuTre^av  aveaTyjae  ^TpaT6S))/jio<} 

^\€V€(TTp(iTOV. 


The  (juestion  as  to  whether  the  cult  of  Aeliilles  Pontarehes  at  Olbia  was 
of  Greek  or  Scythian  origin  has  been  already  discussed  in  the  Introductitju  ; 
it  remains  j»ow  to  deal  with  the  epigraphic  and  other  evidence  for  the  exist- 
ence of  the  cult  at  Olbia.  Dion  Chrysostom  ^'^"  is  the  literary  authority  foi- 
this;  he  says: — tovtov  [ix.  Achilles]  fiev  'yap  v7rep<f)vo)<i  Ti/xMai,  fcal  vewv  tov 
fiev  ev  T^  vt]<TM  TTJ  'A;)^f\\e&)9  KoXov/xevtj  iBpvvTat,  tov  Be  iv  ttj  ttoXci,  m(tt€ 
ovBe  (iKoveiv  virep  ovBevof;  dXXov  6eXov(Tiv  y  'Ofiijpov.  Kal  TaXXa  ovfceTi 
aa<f)a)<:  eXXt]vi^ovT€<i  Bid  to  iv  fi€(roi<i  oIkeIv  toI'^  ^ap^dpoi<^  o/ieof;  Ttjv  ye 
'\XidBa  oXiyov  7rdvT€<i  I'craaiv  diro  aT6/jLaT0<;.  It  is  not  quite  clear  whether 
Dio  here  means  by  '  the  island  of  Achilles '  Leuke  or  Berezan,  a  small  island 
at  the  mouth  of  the  Borysthenes.  Escher^^"  and  Fleischer"''  both  take 
the  view  that  Berezan  is  meant,"^  and  it  seems  on  the  whole  more  likely. 
There  was,  of  course,  also  a  temple  on  the  island  of  Leuke.  Leuke  and 
Berezan  have  constantly  been  confused,  both  by  ancient  and  modern  writers, 
with  each  other,  and  with  the  Bp6iJLo<i  ^A^iXX€co<;, — a  narrow  tongue  of  land 
south  of  Olbia  and  the  mouth  of  the  Borysthenes,  with  its  west  end  in  the 
sea,  and  its  east  in  a  bay,  and  only  joined  to  the  mainland  by  a  narrow  strip 


*"  Sec  Mr.  Rouse  himself,   lo<:   cit.  p.   210 
212,  on  the  custom  '  of  dedicating  models  of 
the  diseased  part.  .  .  Votive  eyes.  .  .  make  n|> 
two-fifths  of  the  whole  number.      Xcxt  to  th>- 
ci/c  rnmrs  the  trunk.' 

'"  Lat.  i.  189. 

'^5  Lat.  ii.  30. 

'*«  Oi-at.  xxxvi.  439.  M. 

'•*'  In    Pauly-Wissowa,     Rcal.-Enqtcl.     s.v. 


Achilleus. 

'■•^  In  Roscher's  Lex.  s.v.  Achilleus. 

'^"  This  is  the  view  of  Koehler,  but  Latyschev 
thinks  Leuk"  is  meant  (o]>.  cit.  i.  p.  167).  It 
.should  be  noted  that  C.I.O.  2.  2076  (  =  Lat.  i. 
77),  which  Fleischer  quotes  as  being  found  on 
IJerezan,  Latyschev  says  is  of  uncertain  attribu- 
tion. 


46 


a.  M.  iniisT 


.,f  lai.,1  in  t,lic  ini.1.11.-.  All  tlnoo  |.la<os  wciv  saornl  to  AoIhII....  ?,.nta.vl,os. 
Fron.  30  late  a.,  author  as  Dio.  of  course,  i.otl.iug  .au  he  proved  as  to  t lie 
antiquity  of  the  cult,  except  that  one  of  such  importance  was  not  very  likely 
to  be  of  "recent  introduction.  That  Achilles  was  fron.  very  early  times  wor- 
shipped as  the  tutelary  deity  .if  the  North  Euxine  we  know  from  the  hue 
„f  Alcaeus  already  .,uotod.  Wo  hay,:  no  yery  early  Olb.an  inscr.pt.on 
roferrinc;  to  Achilles,  but  one  very  important  one '-  is  dated  by  Utyschev  early 
in  the  Hrst  century  u.r. ;  and  is  undoubtedly  of  the  period  before  the  c.ty 
^vas  destroyed,  /...  probably  1 50  years  before  Dio's  visit.  The  mscr.pt.on  in 
question  is  a  decree  in  honour  of  Nikeratos,  son  of  Pap.as  who  had  protected 
the  citizens  from  the  enemy,  and  now  was  decreed  a  public  funeral,  in  _.t 
the  words  occur  i-h  ™. .  .  .  iy^w  rix^XKel  Karh  to  ■,rv0oxPV<'-ro"   t.,9 

Though  this  is  the  earliest  Achillos-inscription  from  Olbm  itself,  we  have 
a  much  earlier  one  from  close  at  hand.  At  the  mouth  of  the  f-Tf  ^>;^« 
and  Hypanis  rivers  was  tlie  Alsos  Hecates,  a  sandy  tongue  of  land  at  the  end 
of  the  peninsula  now  called  Kinburn.  Tn  the  sea  at  some  distance  to  the 
west  of  this  point,  some  fishermen  in  1885  dragged  up  in  their  nets  a  stone 
altar,  with  the  inscription 

70IJL  0(OflOl> 
KUL  TO  K€bpOV. 

Latysrhev  dates  this  as  fourth  or  certainly  thir.l  century  u.r  Tt  is 
of  areat  interest  and  importance,  as  indicating  tliat  the  cult  of  Achilles  on 
tlie  North  Euxine  was  even  more  widespread  than  had  been  thouglit.  '-  n 
would  seem  that  there  must  have  been  a  temple,  or  at  ^cast^an  altar,  ot 
Achilles,  at  the  Alsos  Hecates,  where  he  was  worshippe<l  probably  by  tisliei- 
men,  as  the  tongue  of  land  does  not  appear  to  have  beeiOnhabited.  How- 
ever, as  the  altar  was  found  at  some  distance  out  at  sea,  the  sand-bank  maN 

have  shifted  its  position.  , 

We  have  an  inscription  of  the  same  date  or  a  little  earlier  (fomtli 
century  B.C.)  From  the  island  of  Leuke,'-^=^  a  dedication  by  a  citizen  of  Olbia 

to  Achilles:  — 

['O  Betva  Arj]tio<rTpdTo{v)  Axt^-^^e* 

[Aeu/e]?)?  fieBeovTL  'OX/Q/oTroXtrh]?, 

which  may  be  taken  as  evidence  of  the  existence  of  the  cult  in  Olbia  itself 
in  comparatively  early  times.^-^^  Also  there  was  found  on  the  island  of  Leuke 
an  important  decree  ^-^-^  of  the  people  of  Olbia  in  honour  of  some  person, 
apparently  an  inhabitant  of  the  island,  dated  by  Latyschev  at  the  end  of  the 
fourth  or   beginning  of  the    third  century  lU'.     A    fragmentary  proxenos- 


'»  i.  17. 

'51  Lat.  iv.  63. 

'5-  Note  also  a  fragmentary  inscription  from 
Neapolis  of  the  second  century  li.c.  ;  ai>i>arontly 
a  dedication  to  Acliillfs  (Lat.  jv.  191). 


"»  Lat.  i.  172. 

i5<  For  the  form  of  the  dedicition  op.  the 
one  at  Ncapolis  by  Poside(»s  'Ax«XA.«'  ffl<Tov 
[fjLtiioPTi].  Lat.  i.  244. 


155 


LaU  i.  in. 


THE  CTTLTS  OF  OLBTA. 


r 


inscription^- of  the  smno  period,  found  at  Olbia,  he  also  thinks  refei-s  to 
some  inhabitant  of  Leuke.  But  according  to  ancient  authors  the  island  was 
deserted,  and  sailors  were  forbidden  to  spend  the  night  there,-'  from  which 
it  would  seem  that  the  persons  honoured  by  these  decrees  were  priests  or 
curators  of  the  temple  of  Achilles  at  Leuk..  If  the  island  mentioned  by  Dio 
was  Leuke.  it  might  b.«  inferred  that  the  temple  there  was  in  change  of  the 

i>eople  of  Olbia.  ,     /,    i       •,  i      ^ 

For  the  importance  of  the  cult  in  the  later  period  of  the  city  we  have 

abundant    evidence    in    the    series    of    ''«'«ft"y  .  ^^"f  *""%;';'",  j^f 
Latyschev,'^  belonging  probably  to  the  second  or  third  century  ««;■■  <^' "^*; 
These    inscriptions,   though    not   found   actually   on   the    site    of  Olbia 
Latyschev  thinks  quite  certainly  belong  to  the  city,  both  from  the  similarity 
of  the  formulas  to  those  of  undoubtedly  Olbiau  inscriptions,  and  also  because 
nearly  all  the  names  given   in  these  inscriptions  are  found  in  others  Irom 
Olbia.     Some  have  thought  this  series  belonged  to  the  town  of  Odcssos,  but 
it  was  too  small  to  have  had  five  archons  and  six  praetors,  or  to   have   lia.l 
the  games  referred  to  in  some  of  the  inscriptions.     One  curious  point  o 
contrast   between  these  inscriptions  and  those  to  Apollo  Prostates,  which 
belon-    to   the    same    period,    is    that    in    the    latter    the  gift   is    always 
mentroned,  whereas  in  the  former  it  is  merely  called  xap'TJW'"' ;  e-^<^«P* 
in   Sl.wliere  it  is  a  <7Te>aro9,  (given  by  a  priest),  and   m    /,,  whei-e  e%en 
XaptarvRiop  is  omitted.     No.   79  may  be  quoted  as  an  example  of  these 

inscriptions  : — 

Wyadrj  rvxO  'Ax^XXe?  UovTapx>^ 

01  irepl  KaWKTdevrjv  taTvpov  aTpar^]yoi\ 

Mr)v6B(OpO<i  HOVTIKOV, 

Na/Sa^o?  l^ovfirjvLOV, 

'A%tXXei/9  1vv{t)p6(J)ov, 

MdBayo^  'Je^pdBov, 

AdBaya  Kov^aiov, 
virep  TTJ<i  TToXeo)?  evaraOia^:  Koi  rri^ 
kavTWV  vyeia^  '^api<7Tr]piov. 

No  82  is  worthy  of  note,  because  the  dedication  is  to  'Ax'^Xel  Uovrdpxv 
■  Kai   eirchc.    A   cult   of  Achilles,    Thetis,  and    the   Nereids    is  known  at 

Erythrae  in  lonia.^*^^ 

It  should  be  noticed  that  the  name  Achilles  is  of  frequent  occurrence 
at   Olbia;    twelve   instances   of    it    appear   in   the   inscriptions   given   by 

""^^  Whether  we  have  any  numismatic  evidence  for  the  cult  of  Achilles  at 
Olbia  is  doubtful.    De  Koehne '"'  gives  three  coins  which  he  thinks  represent 


'»«  Lat.  i.  13. 

'■■'7  Scyl.  I'cripl  68  ;  Arrian.  Per.  32  ;  An«.n. 
Pcripl.  66  ;  A  mm.  Marc.  xxii.  S,  35  ;  Max. 
Tyr.  diss.  xx.  7  ;  Thilostr,  Hn-oie.  20,  35. 

•'W  i.  77-83,  iv.  17-19. 

'»«•  For  the  dispersion  of  the  stones  of  Olbia, 


Latyschev  (luotos  Uvarov,  {EcrJi.  ]..  32).  Lat. 
iv.  18,  is  said  actually  to  have  been  found  amonj,' 
the  ruins  of  Olbia. 

i««  DittenbergcT,  Syll."  QOO;  Michel,  Hcniri/, 

839,  B.  2,  27. 

!«'  loc  cit.  \.  p.  84,  85,  88, 


48 


(;.  M.   HIRST 


Acliilles.  Two  of  tlieso  wo  liavo  already  seen  are  with  luoro  probability 
assicTiH'd  to  Ares.  The  third  i^oiu  may  possibly  represent  Achilles.  It  appears 
to  be  similar  to  that  given  by  Pick.  PI.  xii.  2.  but  not  the  same  coin.  De 
Koehne  describes  the  reverse  type  of  this  coin  thus  :— 

OABIOnOAEITCON.     Homme  nu.  tourne  a  gauche,  posant  le  pied  droit 
sur  uue  elt^vation  et  tenant  dans  la  droite  nn   objet   indistinct.     Devant   hn 

une  metu.     Dans  le  champ  r. 

If  the  object  re.illv  is  a  »}flo,  the  coin  may  reasonably  be  assigned  to 
Achilles,  and  "would  be  the  solitary  instance  of  his  appearance  upon  the 
coins  of  Olbia. 

fferacles. 

The  head  of  Heracles  is  a  not  infrequent  type  on  Olbian  coins.  We 
sliould  expect  to  find  him  a  special  object  of  worship  at  Olbin,  in  view  of 
Ids  connection  with  the  North,  familiar  enough  from  Pindar  {Ol/m/h  in.), 
with  which  may  be  compared  the  passage  where  Herodotus  says  that  the 
Greeks  dwelling  about  the  Pontus  relate  that  Heracles,  after  taking  tlw 
cattle  of  Geryon,  pissed  through  Scythia,  and  then  cnme  e'<?  Tip-  'TXaiyjv 
KoXeofievriv  ytjp,^^'-  recalling  at  once  Pindar's 

Herodotus  also  relates i«"Mhat  in  Exampnrus.  a  district  not  (ar  from  Olbia. 
was  shown  a  footprint  of  Heracles;  however,  throughout  (ireek  lands 
Heracles  seems  to  have  had  Mttributo«l  to  him  objects  sinnlar  to  those  which 
in  England  are  usunlly  assigned  to  the  devil, -the  Devil's  Arrows,  Devil's 
Puncirbowl,  etc.,— so  the  footprint  here  has  most  likely  no  particular  signifi- 
cance. His  cult  was  so  widespread  that  we  have  probably  no  right  to  claim 
any  special  local  importance  for  it  at  Olbia,  but  his  legendary  connection  with 
the  North,  as  in  the  case  of  Apollo,  would  make  him  seem  a  fitting  object  of 

worship  there. 

The  cpigraphic  evidence  for  the  cult  of  Heracles  at  Olbia  is  rather 
curious.  Latyschev  ^^^  gives  an  inscription  which  is  carved  on  a  stone  very 
similar  to  the  gravestones  in  use  at  Athens  in  the  fourth  century  B.C.,  and 
apparentlv  made  of  Attic  marble.  It  has  been  thought,  therefore,  that  the 
block  may  have  been  sent  out  to  Olbia  from  Athens  for  sepulchral  purposes 
and  then,  having  for  some  reason  or  other  not  been  thus  used,  may  have  been 
appropriated  to  this  dedication.  The  inscription  is  most  fragmentary  and 
was   evidently    purposely   defaced    in   antiquity;    it    is    restored    thus    by 

Latyschev : — 

[K\eo/u/8/30To<?  Ilar'TaAcXeoi;? 

ave0^riK€  r\ov  irvp- 

yov]  'H[/o]a[/c\e]t 


i«--'  iv.  8,  9. 

'«»  Herod,  iv.  82. 

'•^  loc.   cit.   i.    1»9. 


that  on  the  othei  side  is  an  inscription  of  much 
later  date,  given  i.  67. 


It  should  be  .s^id  also 


THE  CULTS  OF  OLBIA. 


49 


Then  follows  an  epigram  of  six  lines,  of  which  the  first  two  may  be  quoted  :- 
'}\paK[\\ee[^l  (to\  [T]6vhe  KXeSfi^poro^  eJcMrlo  'ir]vp[yo]v 
Kal  BrjfJLwt,  '7roTafi[ov  TJoOBe  [7ra]p'  riL[6va]. 
(We  have  instances  of  towers  being  built  by  private  individuals  in  the  Proto- 
genes  decree  i^^).  The  inscription  i««  in  which  Hermes  and  Heracles  are 
mentioned  together  has  already  been  noticed.  It  is  curious  that  in  this  also 
there  are  signs  that  it  was  wilfully  destroyed,  from  which,  Latyschev  says,  it 
might  be  conjectured  that  at  some  time  or  other  the  cult  of  Heracles  was 
abolished  at  Olbia.  and  his  name  upon  the  monuments  erased. 

Inscriptions  from  some  other  places  on  the  North  Euxme  contain  the 
name  of  Heracles.^^:  Qne  from  Panticapaeum,i««  of  the  year  21G  a.d., 
begins  :-T6v  d<f>'  'HpaK\iov<:  Kal  EvfioXirov  rov  Uoaeihcovo^  fcau  airo 
TTpoyopoyv  /3aac\ecov  ^aaCXea  Ti/SipLov  'IovXlov  'Pr]aKOV7ropLv.  .      . 

This  legendary  genealogy  would  seem  to  explain  why  the  various 
emblems  of  Poseidon  and  Heracles  are  found  on  the  coins  of  the  Kings  ot 

the  Bosporus.^®^  i       c  u        ^        *■ 

With  recrard  to  the  numismatic  evidence  for  the  cult  of  Heracles  at 
Olbia,  eight  c^oins  bearing  his  head  are  given  by  De  Koehne,  seven  are  repro- 
,luced  in  Pick's  plates,  and  there  are  three  in  the  Berlin  catalogue  (none  in 
the  British  Museum).  Pick's  examples  fall  into  two  sharply  defined  classes. 
Three  coins  ^^^  have  youthful  heads  of  Heracles,  with  the  lion-skin  ;  the 
types  are  different,  but  they  are  all  of  fairly  good  style,  all  beardless,  and  all 
lookinc  to  the  right ;  the  reverse  of  each  is  a  club.  The  first  two  examples  in 
Pick  are  silver,  and  resemble  No.  32  in  the  BerUn  catalogue;  the  third  is 
copper,  and  is  similar  to  Nos.  117,  118  in  the  BerUn  catalogue.  No.  117  is 
thus  described : — 


Eeverse. 

OABIO    above    a    club    horizontally 
placed.     Below  El  PI  B  A.  (Mo). 


Obverse. 

Youthful  head  of  Heracles,  with 
lionskin,  r.  Two  faint  round  counter- 
marks. 

Von  Sallet  thinks  that  BA  on  the  reverse  of  this  coin  perhaps  stands  for 
BaaiXev^,  either  a  priest's  title,  or  a  reference  to  the  Scythian  kmgs.  The 
latter  seems  more  likely,  in  view  of  the  last-quoted  inscription  from  Panti- 
capaeum,  as  other  Scythian  kings  besides  those  of  the  Bosporus  may  have 
claimed  descent  from  Heracles. 

The  other  four  coins  given  by  Pick  i"i  have  heads  of  quite  a  different 
style  from  the  preceding,  and  with  differing  reverse  types.     They  are   all 

i«»  Perhaps  the  dedication  from  Pautica- 
paeum  (Lat.  iv.  200)  to  A.t  Uvdpxv^  should 
be  compared  with  this. 

i'"  PL  X.  18-20  ;  cp.   Berlin  Catalogue,  32, 

117,  118. 

i""^  Pi.    X.'  21-25  ;   cp.  Dc  Koehne,  loc.  cif. 

p.  48.     No.  54. 


i«5  Latyschv,  i.  16. 

i««  Lat.  iv.  459. 

187  Lat.  i.  245.  from  Nikita,  probably  3rd 
century  B.C.  ;  Lat.  ii.  24,  from  Panticapaeum 
of  4th  century  B.C.  ;  and  Lat.  ii.  350,  from 
Phanagoria  of  2nd  century  B.C. 

^^  Lat.  ii.   41.     There  are  two  similar  from 

Phanagoria,  ii.  358,  361. 

H.S. — VOL.    XXIIL 


E 


50 


G.  M.  HIRST 


silver,  cand  the  heads  on  the  obverse  are  of  a  coarse  heavy  type,  all  turned  to 
the  left,  and  more  or  less  similar.  The  reverse  type  of  Pick's  example, 
No.  21,  is  a  vertical  club  enclosed  in  a  wreath  formed  by  two  ears  of  corn  ; 
No.  22  has  a  wreath  ;  No.  24  a  bow  in  case  placed  over  a  club,  and  No.  23  a 

vertical  bow  in  case.^'- 

It  is  perhaps  worth  while  to  note,  in  discussing  Heracles'  connection 
with  Olbia,  that  the  name  Ka\XtVt/co?,  which  so  often  occurs  in  literature 
as  an  epithet  of  Herakles,  appears  twice  in  Olbian  inscriptions,^^^^  both  of 
early  date. 

The  River-god  Borysthenes. 

We  have  more  numismatic  evidence  of  this  cult  than  of  any   other 
represented  on  Olbian  coins,  except  that  of  Apollo  ;  judging  from  the  number 
of  specimens  contained   in  all  the  collections,  more  coins  must  have  been 
struck  with  the  head  of  the  Borysthenes   upon   them  than  with   any  other 
type.     The  Berlin  collection  has  26  out  of  a  total  of  126  (besides  several 
acquired  since  the  appearance  of  the  catalogue) ;  the  British  Museum  9  out 
of  23 ;  the  Fitzwilliam  Museum  at  Cambridge  4  out  of  7 ;  and  De  Koehne, 
out  of  about  160  coins,  has  26  (which  he  assigns  to  the  river  Hypanis).    This 
predominance  of  the  river-god  at  Olbia  is  readily  explained  by  the  consider- 
ation that  in  South  Russia  the  rivers  are  by  far  the  most  imposing  natural 
features  of  the  country .^'^  and  as  such  would  be  almost  certain  to  become 
objects  of  worship  to  the  early  settlers.     We   know  from  Herodotus ^'^  that 
the  Scythians  worshipped  the   Danube.      Of  the  Borysthenes  in  particular 
Professor  Percy  Gardner  ^"^  says  : — '  We  find  traces  of  a  peculiar   veneration 
paid  by  the  Greek  colonists  of  Olbia  to  the  river  Borysthenes,  whose  head 
appears  on  their  coins.     This  head  is  clearly  modified  in  type  in  imitation  of 
the  physiognomy  of  the  Scythians  who  inhabited  the  steppes  of  the  river, 
and  to  whose  physiognomy  it  bears  a  striking  resemblance.'     These  Scythian 
characteristics  of  the  coin-types  will  be  easily  seen  from  the  accompanying 
illustration   (Fig.  10).       Rivers   have   such   a   distinctively   local   character 
that  it  is  particularly  easy  to  personify  them.     They  often  appear  on  coins 
in  the  form  of  a  bull.     Can  the  striding  bull,  whicli  is  the  obverse  type  of 
an  Olbian  coin,  be  taken  as  a  personification  of  the   river-god  ?  ^^      This 
hardly  seems  likely,  in  view  of  the  other   series  of  Borysthenes  coins,  but 
the  coin  is  apparently  quite   late.     There  is  another  coin,  of  Imperial  date, 
which  has  a  bull  as  reverse  type.^^^     The  series  in  the  illustration  belongs  to 
another  type, — '  a  human  figure,  with  human  face  and  a  shaggy  beard,  but 


^"  Of  these  coins  De  Koehne  says,  *  Les 
demises  pieces  de  ce  type  indiquent  d^jk  une 
dpoqne  de  decadence.' 

'73  Lat.  i.  12,  114. 

^'*  Cp   Herod,  iv.  47  ;  et  seq.  an<l  esp.  iv.  82, 

fiovs  Tt  iroAAy  fiiylarovs  iral  apid/j-hv  wKtiffTOVS. 
J"  Herod,  iv.  59. 


i7«  TransacUous  of  Royal  Soc.  of  Literature, 
vol.  xi.  second  aeries,  p.  174,  ct  seq. 

1"  Pick,  PL  xi.  23,  Herlin  Catalogue,  132, 
De  Koehne,  loc.  nt.  p.  84,  explains  it  as  refer- 
ring to  the  fact  that  the  wealtli  of  Olbia  largely 
consisted  in  cattle. 

»7»  Pick,  PI.  xii.  3. 


THE  CULTS  OF  OLBIA. 


51 


with  the  forehead,  horns,  and  ears  of  an  ox.'  ^^^     At  Olbia,  however,  no  more 
than  the  head  appears  on  the  coins. 

The  coins  i««  themselves  can  be  best  discussed  with  reference  to  the 
accompanying  Fig.  10  ;  they  are  only  differentiated  in  the  Berhn  and  British 
Museum  Catalogues  by  the  monograms  on  the  reverse,  but  the  heads  of  the 
river-gods  on  the  obverse  are  of  very  different  types. 

The  first  coin  (a)  illustrated  i«^  is  no^  Scythkn  in  type ;  the  artist  seems 
to  have  been  anxious  to  get  as  close  to  the  bull-form  as  possible ;  it  is  a  bui  s 
head  slightly  humanised.  The  forehead  with  its  short  horns  and  the  bea^^rt 
are  especially  bovine.  One  would  suppose  that  here  the  die-cutter  was 
copying   a   type   from   another   coin ;   at  all  events  there  is  nothing  local 

'''  """"The  second  coin  (c)i«-^  shows  a  head  which  is  an  approximation  to  the 
Scythian  type,  but  the  forehead  and  short  horns  are  still  those  ot  a  bull  , 


e  ^  ^ 

FiG.  10. -Bronze  Coins  of  Olbia  in  the  Beuun  Museum. 

bull's  ears  are  less  distinct  than  in  No.  1.   The  hair  is  still  of  the  conventional 
river-god  type,  and  looks  as  if  it  were  drippmg. 

The  head  on  the  obverse  of  the  third  coin  {d)  ^^^  is  rather  curious  ;  it  is  now 
wholly  human,  except  for  the  short  horns  on  the  forehead  which  mark  the 
river-Ll  and  the  human  ears  are  very  clear.  But  the  tyje  is  more  conven- 
nvei  guu,  c*i  .,         ,i_    ,.._  „,u;m.  f<.llAw      Tt    sppms  surnnsinff 


tional  and  less  Scythian  than  the  two  which  follow^ 


seems  surprising 


179  Professor  Jebb,  on  )3ouirpypos,  Sophocles, 
Track.  13.  The  Achelous  appears  thus  on  an 
archaic  coin  of  Metapontum  in  Lncania, 
Millingen,  Anc.  Coins  of  GrLlCities  and  Kings, 
PI.  i.  21.  The  coin  given  by  Head,  Hist.  Num. 
p.  63,  is  not  the  same. 

180  The  casts  from  which  these  photographs 
were  made  Avere  furnished  by  the  kindness  of 
Dr.  Dressel. 


iM  Pick,  PI.  ix.  26  (Imhoof-Blumer  collec- 
tion). 

18-  Pick,  ix.  27  (obverse  only  ;  the  reverse 
numbered  27,  belongs  to  the  third  coin  {d)  in 
the  present  illustrations),  Imhoof-Blumer  collec- 
tion. An  example  is  in  the  British  Museum, 
No.  10,  cut  on  p.  12  (Catal.  '  Thrace'}. 

183  Imhoof-Blumer  collection. 

E   2 


52 


G.  M.  HIRST 


THE  CULTS  OF  OLBIA. 


53. 


that  Pick  should  not  have  given  this  head  among  his  examples,  as  it  is  quite 

distinctive.  rue        +i 

The  next  coin  (e)  '^  is  perhaps  the  most  t^'pically  Scythian  of  the  hve ;  the 
coin  is  not  struck  evenly,  so  no  room  is  left  for  the  horns  to  show.  No  doubt 
they  were  on  tlie  die.  but  everything  else  about  the  head  is  as  human,  and  as 
Scythian,  as  possible,  of  the  type  from  wl.icli  the  well-known  heads  of  Pan 
on  the  coins  of  Panticapaeum  were  developed.  The  Scythians  on  the  vase 
of  Xenophantos,  already  referred  to,  are  of  the  same  general  type  ;  compare  too 
the  wounded  Scythians  on  a  very  interesting  piece  of  gold  work  from  Soutli 
Russia.i8'  The  left-hand  figure  of  the  four  has  a  profile  very  like  the  second 
head  in  the  coins  represented  here. 

The  last  (/)  of  the  Borysthenes  coins  ^^^  represented  here  also  shows  dis- 
tinctly Scythian  features,  but  the  horns  are  plainly  seen,  and  the  hair  is 
more  like  that  of  the  conventional  river-god.  ^ 

All  these  coins  have  similar  reverse  types  (&),— a  battle-axe  and  bow  in 
case,i«7— so  the  Scythian  river-god  is  associated  with  the  Scythian  weapons, 
and  the  obverse  and  reverse  types  are  alike  purely  local.i«s     This  is  the 
special  interest  possessed  by  this  series  of  coins ;  like  the  representations  of 
Scythians  on  the  vases,  it  shows  that  there  were  artists  at  Olbia  who  por- 
trayed the  men  they   saw  around   them,   instead   of    merely   perpetuating 
conventional  types.     It  has  already  been  urged  that  the  appearance  of  these 
Scythian  heads  among  others  that  are  wholly  Greek  seems  to  show  a  racial 
feeling  on  the  part  of  the  artist,  which  would  indicate  that  Olbia  remained  a 
purely  Greek  city,  at  any  rate  during  its  earlier  and   more  prosperous  days. 
These  coins  are  said  in  the  British  Museum  catalogue  to  be  earlier  than  the 
time  of  Alexander  the  Great ;  De  Koehne  thinks  that  they  extend  over  a 
period  of  more  than  a  century.      When  once  a  mixed  population  of  Greeks 
and  Scythians  had  arisen,  naturally  this  type  would  not  be  perpetuated  on  the 
coins.      But  we  should  have  expected  that  the   Borysthenes   would   have 
continued  in  some  form  or  other  as  a  coin-type,  considering  in  how  large  a 
measure  the  prosperity  of   the  city  depended  on  the  river.      It  must  be 
remembered,  too,  that  one  of  the  city's  names,  and  apparently  the  earliest, 
was  Borysthenes.     Herodotus  speaks  of  the  city  by  this  name  in  his  narrative 
of  Scyles,  and  also  calls  the  townsmen   Borysthenites,  though  he  notices  i8« 
that  they  preferred  to  call  themselves  Olbiopolitans.     The  actual  name  Olbia 
is  not  found  in  Herodotus. 


18*  In  the  Berlin  collection,  but  not  in  the 
catalogue  ;  Pick's  coin  (PI.  ix.  28)  is  similar, 
but  not  the  same. 

185  CoDipte  Rendu,  1864,  p.  142. 

i8«  Berlin  Catalogue,  No.  93,  Pick's  coin,  PI. 
ix.  29,  is  not  unlike  this,  but  the  resemblance 
is  not  very  close. 

187  The  coin  given  by  Pick  (PI.  ix.  32)  already 
noted  as  being  ascribed  by  De  Koehne  to 
Poseidon  should  jtrobably  be  assigned  to  this 
series,  as  the  reverse  type  is  the  same.     Tlie 


type  of  the  head  on  the  obverse  is  different  from 
those  given  ;  it  is  very  large,  almost  filling  up 
the  surface  of  the  coin,  and  the  horns  cannot 
be  seen  on  the  forehead. 

188  An  Olbian  inscription  found  in  1900 
(Lat.  iv.  460),  of  the  fourth  century  B.C.,  refers 
to  archery  contests  held  at  Olbia.  These  must 
have  been  imitated  from  the  Scythians,  as 
Greeks  in  other  places  do  not  seem  to  have  had 

them. 

189  Herod.,  iv.  18. 


demonstrated  by  the  facts  above  presented    the  e  .s 
way  distinctive.  G.  M.  HlRST. 


Jahn,  Otto. 
Koehler,  H 


Skulpturen  aus  Kypros.     Archaologische  Zeitung,  vol.  xxii. 

(1864.) 
K.  E.     Memoire  sur  les  iles  et   la  course  consacree  a  AchiUe 
dans  le  Pont  Eiixin.     St.  Petersburg,  1827.     (Memoires  de 
I'Acad.  Imp.  des  Sciences,  ser.  v.,  vol.  x.) 
Koehne,  B.  de.     Description  du  musee  de  M.   le  prince   B.   Kotschoubey. 

2  vols.     St.  Petersburg,  1857. 
Lambros,  Michel  P.    Surnoms  des  dieux  sur  des  monnaies.    Bulletin  de  Cor- 

respondance  Hellenique,  vol.  ii.     (1878.) 
Latyschev,  B.     Inscriptiones  Antiquae  Orae  Septentrionalis   Ponti  Euxini. 

St.  Petersburg,  vol  i,  1885  ;  ii,  1890  ;  iv,  1901. 
Lenormant,  F.     La  Monnaie  dans  I'antiquite.     Paris,  1878. 
Loewy,  E.     Inschriften  griechischer  Bildhauer.     Leipsic,  1885. 
Michel',  Charles.     Recueil  d' inscriptions  grecques.     Brussels,  1900. 
Millingen,  James.     Ancient  Coins  of  Greek  Cities  and  Kings.  London,  1831. 
Mionnet,  T.  E.     Description  de  medailles  antiques.     Paris,  1806. 
Monro,  D.  B.   Poems  of  the  Epic  Cycle.  Journal  of  Hellenic  Studies,  vol.  v. 
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Monuments  et  Memoires,   Fondatiou  Eugene  Piot,  publics  par  I'Academie 
des  Inscriptions  et  Belles- Lettres  sous  la  direction  de  Georges 
Perrot  et  Robert  de  Lasteyrie,  tome  ii.     Paris,  1895. 
Pauly-Wissowa.       Real  Encyclopadie  der    classischen    Alterthumswissen- 

schaft.     Stuttgart.  1893— 
Pick    Behrendt.     Die  antiken   Miinzen  Nord-Gnechenlands.     Berhn,  1898. 
..  '  «*  Thrakische  Miinzbilder    Jahrbuch  des  Kaiserlich  Deutsch- 

en  Arcbaologischen  Instituts,  vol.  xiii.      (1898.) 
Preller- Robert.     Griechische  Mythologie.     Berlin,  1894— 
Rawlinson,  George.     History  of  Herodotus.     London,  1880. 
Reinach   Solomon.     Antiquites  du  Bosphore  Cimmerien.     Pans,  1892. 
Ridgeway.  William.     The  Early  Age  of  Greece,    vol.  i.    Cambridge,  190 1. 
Roscher,  W.  H.     Ausfiihrliches  Lexikon   der  griechischen  und  roraischen 

Mythologie.     Leipsic,  1884— 
Rouse,  W.  H.  D.     Greek  Votive  Offerings.     Cambridge,  1902. 
Sallet   A.  Von.     Erwerbungen  des  Koniglichen  Miinzkabmets  bis  zum  Jahre 

1886.     Zeitschritt  fiir  Numismatik,  vol.  xiv.     Berhn,  1887. 
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gique,  passhn.     St.  Petersburg,  1859— 
**  "  Dei  Ausruhende  Herakles.     St.  Petersburg,  1854. 

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1855. 
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(1883). 


ERRATA 

P    25,  note  9,  for  B.  C.  H.  v.,  1880,  read  188 1. 

P.  29,  note  42",  >r  1891.  p.  338,  W  388,  and  add:  Latyschev,  iv,  79. 

P.  44,  line  4,>r  Tanais.  read  Tom'i. 

P.  52,  line  9,  /or  piece  of  gold  work,  read  electrum  vase. 

P.  52!  note  185,  add:  Ant.  du  Bosp.  Cimm.,  PI.  xxxiii. 

P.  2SO.  Iine8,>rii.  153,  read  n\  p.  258. 

P.  256,  note  51, /or  Real-Encycl.,  1,  p.  54.  ^^^^  ".  P-  54- 

P.  259,  note  6s, /or  Gryphon,  read  Gryps. 


VITA 

Gertrude  Mary  Hirst  was  born  at  Huddersfield,  England,  and  was 
privately  educated  until  she  entered  Newnham  College,  Cambridge,  where 
she  was  awarded  the  Drapers'   Scholarship  for  distinction  in    Latin  and 
Greek.     She  took  honours  in   the  Classical  Tripos,  Part  I,  in  1890.     She 
remained   for  another  year  of   work  at   Newnham.  and   in   1891  came  to 
America,  where  she  taught  in  Louisville,  Kentucky,  and  afterwards  in  New 
York.     In   1898  she  became  a  graduate  student  of  Columbia  University, 
where  she  received  the  degree  of  Master  of  Arts  in  1900,  and  of  Doctor  of 
Philosophy  in  1902.     While  at  Columbia  she  was  under  the  instruction  of 
Professors  Perry.  Egbert  and  Earle.  and  of  Dr.  Olcott.     In  1901  she  was 
appointed  Assistant  in  Classical  Philology  at   Barnard  College,  and   in  1903 
was  promoted  to  the  rank  of  Tutor.     She  is  a  member  of  the  Society  for 
the   Promotion   of   Hellenic   Studies,    and   of   the   American    Philological 
Association. 


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